It's the quiet genocide. That's partly because the government of Aung San Suu Kyi bans the media and the UN from any access to the area of Myanmar where the army has been killing and purging the Rohingya minority.
It's partly because in the West the political right doesn't want to make too much fuss about a pogrom against Muslims. It's partly because the political left in the West is still in lovelorn bewilderment at the shocking transformation of their fallen angel.
The woman who won the Nobel Peace Prize when she was the victim of the Myanmar army's repression has become its chief apologist.
And it's a quiet genocide partly because most of Myanmar's neighbours are themselves brutally repressive regimes. They have no interest in drawing attention to human rights atrocities.
Suu Kyi herself is very quiet on it. She avoids speaking about it. Rather than chide the army for the systematic killing of a civilian population and their mass displacement, she congratulates its soldiers for their bravery.
She calls them "Rakhine Muslims" after the Rakhine state where they lived before the army drove some 700,000 of them across the border into Bangladesh.
In the process, the army killed at least 6,700 civilians including 730 children under the age of five in a single month, according to Doctors Without Borders. Myanmar has banned the aid group for its audacity in speaking about what it witnessed.
In death as in life, the victims are not allowed any identity. The faces of the dead are systematically disfigured beyond recognition, according to reports by the Associated Press.
Suu Kyi has dismissed reports of the atrocities as "fake news" and international criticism is "a misunderstanding".
The detail published by the UN of systematic mass murder, organised mass rape, and the torching of hundreds of villages is nauseating.
Last week the UN special rapporteur to Myanmar, South Korean academic Yanghee Lee, said that the situation bore "the hallmarks of genocide". And the UN high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Raad al-Hussein, said his office has "strong suspicion that acts of genocide" had taken place."I am therefore not surprised by reports that Rohingya villages which were attacked in recent years, and alleged mass graves of the victims, are being bulldozed," said the Jordanian diplomat, a bid to destroy "potential evidence of international crimes".
"I have also received reports of the appropriation of land inhabited by Rohingya and their replacement by members of other ethnic groups". And it's not over. "Ethnic cleansing" was continuing still, he said last week.
Suu Kyi has cancelled public appearances where she would have been unable to avoid the topic. The UN's annual general assembly meeting last September, for instance. And on Monday she cancelled her scheduled appearance at the Lowy Institute in Sydney today.
It was to be the only event of her four-day visit to Australia where she was to face reporters' questions. She wasn't feeling well, the Myanmar Embassy said. But she wasn't able to hide from the other leaders and ministers in official meetings in Sydney and Canberra over the last few days.
Behind the closed doors of the ASEAN summit meetings on the weekend, and separately in Canberra in talks with Malcolm Turnbull and Julie Bishop on Monday, she gave two types of response, according to people who were present. Where she could get away with it, she sat in stony-faced silence. "She doesn't appreciate questions," said one participant.
And where she couldn't avoid a response, her responses were risible. She didn't deny some isolated violence but says that there was trouble between some of the "Rakhine Muslims" and the police. Rohingya "terrorists" were responsible for most of the violence, she said. And it is true that Rohingya militias have formed and have attacked police stations. The Rohingya have been fighting back.
The army, however, was blameless, according to Suu Kyi, with the exception of a handful of rogue soldiers who are to be prosecuted.
The UN's Zeid last week said that the regime's announcement that it would prosecute seven soldiers and three police officers for the extrajudicial killing of 10 Rohingya men was "grossly inadequate". He called for "real accountability".
When Suu Kyi said privately during her meetings in Australia that the outside world had "misunderstood" the situation, other leaders responded that she must therefore welcome the idea of an independent investigation to clear up the misunderstanding. Suu Kyi's reply? That's already been done, she said, referring to a report by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan.
Annan's commission was mandated only to examine broad underlying causes and solutions for underdevelopment and unrest in Rakhine state and not to investigate specific events. A spokesman for the Myanmar president's office, U Zaw Htay, last year told reporter Moe Myint: "Whenever there is an accusation from the international community, we say we are taking action in line with the recommendations of the Kofi Annan commission. The commission is serving as a shield for us."
And Suu Kyi used it just so. But when asked why her government hadn't acted on some of the Annan recommendations that could have been implemented immediately, she had no answer.A key one would be changing the 1982 law that denies the Rohingya citizenship, even though some of their families have lived in Myanmar for centuries.
Annan's commission said the lack of citizenship for Rohingya was the biggest obstacle to peace: "Almost all other issues are linked to citizenship - for instance, access to education and the right to vote and work," it reported. Suu Kyi is quiet on the lack of action.
Two of the ASEAN leaders who have big Muslim populations, Indonesia's Joko Widodo and Malaysia's Razak Najib, over the weekend urged her to work for a solution to the crisis, and they urged her publicly and privately. Turnbull pressed her too, though only in private. But, as one participant said, "she is deep in denial".
Her defenders on the political left say that we shouldn't be too critical of her because if she is too weakened the military will remove her and Myanmar will revert to dictatorship. Well, what terrible things might happen then? What could be worse than genocide?
In truth, she is simply a moral bankrupt and a willing dupe for a genocidal regime. The stakes are far bigger than Suu Kyi and far bigger than Myanmar. As Azeem Ibrahim of Washinton's Centre for Global Policy has said: "The precedent this sets for theauthoritarian regimes of the world is as dangerous as it is clear. We will be reaping the consequences of our inaction for decades to come."
The Pakistani schoolgirl the Taliban tried to muder, Peace Laureate Malala Yousafzai, has urged Suu Kyi to say something about the horrors she presides over: “The world is waiting and the Rohingya Muslims are waiting." They will wait a long, long time. She's keeping quiet.
Peter Hartcher is the international editor.