The Easter Sunday Bombings and the Crisis Facing Sri Lanka’s Muslims
A.R.M. Imtiyaz
Journal of Asian and African Studies
Keywords
Introduction
Some brief notes on Sri Lankan
Muslims and their non-Tamil identity
The Easter bombing bombers, the
pre-Easter anti-Muslim campaigns, the bombers’ supposed motivations and the
entrance of Islamic State
The bombers
Why did they resort to terrorism?
Why did bombers target Christian
places of worship?
The role of Islamic State
State concessions to Sri Lankan
Muslim elites
Easing tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims
Concluding remarks
Funding
ORCID
iD
Notes
Department
of Political Science/Asian Studies, Temple University, USA
Journal of Asian and African Studies
1–14
Abstract
This paper primarily examines the Easter Sunday
bombing plotted and executed by a group of Sri Lankan Muslims and post-war Sri Lankan conditions among Sri Lankan
Muslims, also known
as Moors. The article will attempt to argue that (a) the post-war violence
and organized Islamophobia among non-Muslim communities in general and the Sinhalese
in particular increased fears and distrust among Sri Lankan Muslims in general;
and (b) state concessions to Muslim political leaders, who supported successive
Sri Lankan ruling classes from independence through the defeat of the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009, have meant an isolation of the
community from the other two main ethnic communities. The concessions that the Muslim community has won actively
helped the Muslim community to be proactive in its religious practices and thus paved the way for exclusive social
and political choices.
The rise of Islamic movements
and mosques in the post-1977 period galvanized Muslims. In time this
isolation has been reinforced by socio-religious revival among Muslims whose
ethnic identity has been constructed along the lines of the Islamic faith by
Muslim elites. Despite this revival it has been clear that the Muslim community
has been reluctant to use Islamic traditions and principles for peace building,
which could have helped to ease tensions,
brought about by the
30-year-old ethnic conflict. Finally, some pragmatic ways to ease tensions between
Muslims and non- Muslims in the
greater discipline of conflict resolution are explored using traditions within
Islam.
Keywords
Sri Lanka, Easter Sunday, bombing,
Wahhabism/Sufism, masjid, monk, Islamophobia, Halal, identity, conflict, peace
Introduction
“Why?”
That was the key question shared by many observers when they were astonished by
the wave of highly coordinated and well-planned suicide
bombing by nine Sri Lankan Muslim men on
Easter Sunday morning, 21 April 2019, that ripped through Colombo, capital of
Sri Lanka and Batticaloa, a major city in the Eastern Province
of Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is a state of
approximately 20 million people that was previously considered a model
of democracy in Asia. A simple answer
blames the Arabization of Sri Lankan Muslims,
but there are some socio-political as well as
cultural factors that contributed to the Easter bombing,
that is now dubbed as Sri Lanka’s “September 11”.
Islamophobia has been one of the major trends in post-war
Sri Lanka since 2009. There has
been a wave of Islamophobic rhetoric and acts of violence against the Sri Lankan Muslim com- munity being undertaken by extreme Sinhala-Buddhist groups (led by Buddhist monks),
with tacit support from politicians, attacking places of worship
and Islamic practices such as Halal
food certification, cattle slaughter and dress code.
Despite some high-profile cases such as a 2012 attack on
a mosque in Dambulla, most incidents have received little
or no attention locally or internation- ally. Of the accounted
reports, there have been 65 cases of attacks on places of religious minority worship bearing the brunt of the violence, be they Christian, non-Theravada Buddhist, Hindu tem- ples or Muslim mosques (Center
for Policy Alternatives, 2015). This is seen as part of a coordi- nated hate campaign developed by an extreme
Sinhalese-Buddhist organization called
Bodhu Bala Sena (BBS), which has been responsible for inciting hatred,
evident in the June 2014 attacks on Muslim
businesses in Aluthgama, Beruwala, Shargatown and Dehiwala (Aluthgama Under Siege). Why has the Sri Lankan state
(predominantly led by its Sinhala-Buddhist constituents) now
turned its back on the Muslim minority, given their close historical relationship? In particular, since Sri Lankan Muslims are considered
to be a community that bridges the language gap between the Tamils and the Sinhalese,
with a heritage of conflict
transformation principles from the Islamic traditions, questions can be asked as to why they have not emerged as true peace makers in the country. Islam as a religion and a
tradition is replete with teachings and practices of non-violence and peace building. Sri Lanka was involved in a 28-year
civil war which caused the deaths of hun- dreds of thousands of people and the displacement of millions, coming to a bloody end in May 2009
(Haviland, 2009). Of course, there is no comprehensive and widely accepted theory of the
causes and consequences of ethno-political conflict (Gurr, 1994). Instead, there are many factors
that can lead to tensions between groups of people. This is true of the
ethno-religious conflicts in Sri Lanka, which have largely been based on ethno-religious political difference; there has also
been a conflation of economic,
social and political
interests that have determined a challenge in
finding a space for all three major communities (and
other ethnicities) to co-exist.
Some brief notes on Sri Lankan
Muslims and their non-Tamil identity
The
Sri Lankan Muslim community is scattered across the island with the majority
(62%) living outside of the north and east of Sri Lanka where the Sinhalese
predominate, and with about 38% of the Muslim population living in the
Tamil-dominated north and east. Initially the Muslims mainly inhabited the coastal areas of Sri Lanka but over time some of them moved into the interior. Today
the majority (62%) live in the south of Sri Lanka, amid the Sinhalese,
the remaining 38%, though, are established in the Tamil-dominated north and east, the region claimed by the Tamils as their
traditional homeland (Imtiyaz, 2009). In a context where census-taking has
become politi- cized, it is
noteworthy that Muslims have become a majority in the Amparai District of Eastern Province, which is part of this
region (Department of Census and Statistics–Sri Lanka, 2007). When the Tamil insurrection flared up in the 1980s,
most Muslims pointedly stood aside. This is one of the main reasons the Tamil Tigers (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam or LTTE) were always opposed to Muslim participation in any peace
talks.
A central aspiration of the Muslims
in contemporary Sri Lanka, according to McGilvray (1997), is their desire to develop a non-Tamil identity
based on Islam. Radically shifting
political develop- ments, according
to Ali (1997), “have made them realize
that their interest
lies in holding fast to
the
religion of Islam and not to any ethnic category”. But the Muslims of the north
and east blame the Tamils
for pushing them in this direction. Gripped
by demographic anxiety
and locked in com- petition with the Tamils for control over economic and land
resources, they turned to religion as a way
of bolstering their cohesion. This was a key factor in the formation of the Sri
Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in the
mid-1980s (at a time when the Muslims had established informal and formal contacts with the Sri Lanka
state forces with a view to fighting against the Tamil Tigers).
However, the Muslims living in the south and west of Sri
Lanka have not shown any similar inclination
to support an exclusive Muslim party, despite
also being increasingly marginalized by the majority Sinhalese. Why not? There are two major reasons.
First, the Muslims
from outside the north
and east believe that the Sinhalese-dominated United National Party (UNP) and
the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) accommodate their needs, especially those of
the Muslim political elites who lead them, because these parties have given
some significant (and not-so-significant) ministerial portfolios and positions
to Muslims, in addition to substantial business benefits. Secondly, unlike their brethren in the non-North and
Eastern Muslims have not been confronted with organized violence at the hands
of Sinhalese-Buddhist extremist groups targeting their iden- tity and
existence.
There are contradictions facing the identity
of Muslims in Sri Lanka
and how they are classified and classify themselves. This
has been in opposition to how other communities have described themselves. The
constructivist approach aptly describes identity formation. Constructivists
view ethnic identities as a product of human actions and choices, arguing that
they are constructed and transmitted,
and not genetically inherited, from the past (Taras
and Ganguly, 2002: 4). As quoted in Imtiyaz and Stavis’ (2008) study on
ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, “Max Weber was
one theorist who stressed the social origin of ethnic identity. Weber viewed each ethnic group as a ‘human
group’ whose belief in a common ancestry (whether or not based in genetic
reality) leads to the formation of a community (2008: 8).” Various constructivists have suggested that
the desire to build armies and improve military capabilities, the failure of
industrialization to create a homoge- neous cultural
structure and market,
and the development of standardized communication systems, all made it possible to imagine and invent communities
(Posen, 1993: 80–124).
In Sri Lanka, because of Sri Lanka’s
ethno-nationalist identity politics,
the Muslim community, led by its political elites,
has been forced to define itself as an “other” that is neither Sinhalese nor Tamil but Muslim. This identity has been a reactive force for Muslims
because it was developed by Muslim elites “as a response to Sinhala
and Tamil ethno-nationalistic
ideologies” (Ali, 1997: 22–25). These formations, or how Muslims define
themselves, are a by-product of social and political mobilization to secure
rights and markets. Hence the situation today in Sri Lanka is that the Muslims
are the only Sri Lankan
ethnic group bearing
a religious rather
than a linguistic, ethnic or racial name, i.e. faith is not
only a theological marker (a moral motivator) but also an identity marker (a communal galvanizer). This means that tensions and fault lines along racial
and religious lines remain.
The Easter bombing bombers, the
pre-Easter anti-Muslim campaigns, the bombers’ supposed motivations and the
entrance of Islamic State
The bombers
The Easter Day bomb blasts at three Sri Lankan churches
and four hotels killed around 259 people, including at least 45 foreign
nationals (US Official, Injured In Sri Lanka Suicide Attack, Dies In Hospital) and wounded hundreds more,
following a lull in major attacks since the end of the civil
war 10
years previously (The Times of India, 2019). The Islamic State (IS)
group has claimed responsibility for the attacks (Winsor and Jovanovic, 2019).
The report (BBC, 2019) claimed that IS targeted “members of the US-led
coalition and Christians in Sri Lanka”.
Sri Lankan authorities remain unsure of the group’s
involvement despite IS’s claim
of responsi- bility, though
authorities are investigating whether foreign militants advised, funded or
guided the local bombers. Sri Lankan authorities have blamed a local
extremist group, National Towheed Jamaat (NTJ), whose leader, alternately named
Mohammed Zahran or Zahran Hashmi, became known to Muslim leaders
three years ago for his incendiary online speeches. All of the eight bomb- ers
were Sri Lankan Muslim citizens, including 34-year-old NTJ leader Mohamed
Zahran, who “was one of two suicide bombers
who blew themselves up at the Shangri-La hotel”
(Amarasingham, 2019).
The other bomber at the Shangri-La was identified by Sri Lankan
officials as Ilham Ibrahim, the 31-year-old son of one of Sri Lanka’s
richest spice traders. He is believed to have been a driving force behind the organization of the attacks.
Ilham’s elder brother
Inshaf Ibrahim, whose father had set him up with a copper pipe factory,
blew himself up at the Cinnamon Grand hotel. Some inves- tigators believe their wealth possibly financed the
entire plot. In Negombo, 20 miles north of the
capital, Achchi Muhammadu
Mohamed Hasthun, who is suspected of being one of the bomb mak- ers,
detonated his suicide device at St. Sebastian’s Church. (Ibid)
Abdul Lathief Jameel Mohamed, one of the terrorists,
lived in London and spent a year at Kingston University on an aerospace
engineering course in the academic
year 2006/7, before trav-
elling to Melbourne in Australia for a postgraduate course (The Telegraph, 2019).
Why did they resort to terrorism?
Political violence
is often a by-product of socio-economic tensions. Given the numerous
cleavages and tensions in post-colonial societies, the factor that
influences whether and how political vio- lence breaks out is the way in which the political
system deals with the tensions.
Do political lead- ers and/or their supporters
aggravate the tensions until they explode in violence? Do they recruit people to instigate acts of violence
and then condone
and protect them? In many cases, elite
politi- cal leaders and/or their supporters believe they can win support
and strengthen their positions by mobilizing
along ethnic cleavages by resorting to violence or aggressive campaigns of
hatred against the others. They anticipate that appeals to ethnic or religious
hatred will be particularly effective in expanding or winning their power.
Leaders sometimes encourage followers to use
crude violence – pogroms or ethnic cleansing – or to exploit ethnic
tensions in electoral politics. Outbidding opponents along ethnic lines is one of the strategies to win votes in (fragmented) socie- ties that hold elections. This process frequently results in a polarization of the political
system into ethnic divisions
and a possible breakdown into violence. Marginalized minorities may suffer,
emi- grate or fight back with the weapons of the weak – terrorism and/or
guerrilla activities (Brass, 1985). In this theoretical
understanding, it is important to raise the question: what has motivated some
Muslims to pursue violence? Have the rising tide of anti-Muslim campaigns in
the island made some young and educated Muslims willingly turn themselves into
suicide bombers?
Since the end of the ethnic civil war in Sri Lanka in May
2009, one of the major trends in Sri Lanka is the emergence of anti-Muslim
actions by Sinhala-Buddhists groups such as the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS-translated
as the Buddhist Power Force).1 The campaign both online and on the ground has manifested
in multiple forms, ranging from calls to boycott Muslim companies and Halal
products, women’s clothing, to protests outside Muslim-owned retail outlets
(Imtiyaz and Mohamed-Saleem, 2015).
Though many parts
of southern Sri Lanka have been the target areas
of anti-Muslim campaigns by Sinhala-Buddhist extremist
groups, the North-Western Province has been in recent times been a hotbed
of activity (Jayaraj, 2013). The activities (the carrying of placards depicting Allah as a pig
and burning of an effigy marked as Allah) are not only considered to be
offensive to Muslims, but also in the
case of Sri Lanka Muslims, go to the heart of attacking the sense of identity
and values they have been
practising. In March 2018, a new wave of attacks by the Sinhala-Buddhist extrem- ists further increased insecurity
and fears among Sri Lanka Muslims. The mob carefully targeted Muslims, their
properties and places of worship. The wave of violence was reportedly sparked by an incident of road rage involving a
Sinhalese truck driver and a group of Muslim men in Kandy district in the
central highlands on 22 February. The latter assaulted the Sinhalese driver,
which resulted in his death at a hospital
a few days later. The day after his death,
Sinhalese mobs went on
a rampage, attacking Muslims and burning their homes, shops and vehicles. The violence has since
spread to other districts (Yousuf,
2018).
The wave of violence against Muslims since 2012 helped
polarize the Sri Lankan polity while eroding the trust of Muslims in general
over Sri Lanka’s state and its insitutions. This trend chal- lenged Sri Lanka’s
stability because it resulted in a polarization and a possible breakdown into
violence by some Muslims. The statement from Sri Lanka Thowheed Jamath (SLTJ)
President
A.K.
Hisham during his testimony before the Parliament Select Committee (PSC)
appointed to probe the circumstances behind the Easter Sunday attack suggested
that the 21 April terrorists “may have resorted to terrorism after the Beruwala
and Digana incidents” (‘Zaharan came to Akkaraipattu a month prior to April 21 attack’,
Onlanka, 2019). My communications in May 2019 with some Muslim university students
from the South Eastern University and some lecturers sug- gested that Muslims were frustrated with the violence
targeted against the Muslims by Sinhala mobs (Interviews were conducted via
skype and wechat around 25 Sri Lankan Muslims. 15 of them are men and 10 of them are women aged between 20–55 from
Colombo, Sainthamaruthu, Galle, Gampaha and Jaffna districts, 2019). Some of
them shared concerns that some Muslims might
mirror the Tamil Tigers to punish
the state and its institutions.
It is theoretically expected that the violence unleashed
on Muslims could provoke a strong response from Muslim
youth. It could
be a triggering factor for radicalizing Muslim
youth. Though the Muslim
community in Sri Lanka has kept itself
busy with business
and trade, carefully planned violence by Sinhala
mobs could have pushed some Muslims to resort to violence by marginalizing
Muslim moderates and democratic political representations.
Why did bombers target Christian
places of worship?
As
discussed above, the Muslim community has been the major target of Sinhala mobs
since the end of the civil war with the Tamil Tigers. However,
the Easter Sunday
terrorist attackers carefully targeted Christian churches and
Christians, who have been facing intimidation and violence from the Sinala mobs. Christians are a well-integrated community in Sri Lanka and “apart from militant
Buddhist extremists, they have not been targeted either by the government or by
other elements in society” (Shapiro,
Ari interview with Schmalz, Mathew, NPR April 2019). This leads to a critical
question: why did bombers target Christians and their places of worship?
There is no solid answer to the question. But
“pro-Islamic State posts on social media claim that the attacks were a response
to the Christchurch, New Zealand, mosque shootings that killed 50 Muslims. The
Sri Lankan government has also concluded that the Christchurch shootings were
what inspired the attack (De Votta, 2019).” But the murder of Muslim
worshippers in New Zealand had nothing to do with Sri Lanka or Sri Lankans. So
why was the country chosen?
IS basically harbours a very strict form of Islamic
identity of “narratives rooted in a binary of
‘believers’ versus ‘infidels’” (De Votta, 2019). An attack on Muslims by infidels, for IS, is an attack on the entire Muslim community
across the world. This world view may encourage an attack on those infidels who target Muslims
anywhere. “As far as the Islamic State and its affiliates are con-
cerned, then, Sri Lankan Christians qualify to being attacked” (De Votta, 2019). According to this line of
understanding, any country with a Christian population may become a target for
IS and its affiliates if needed.
The IS attacks may be staged in a country
where security is being compromised due to internal political
power struggles and divisions.
Another powerful reason as to why Sri Lanka was picked by
IS attempts to establish a link between rising Islamophobia and the real or
perceived marginalization of Sri Lanka Muslims by anti-Muslim attacks. IS was able to attract Muslims across the
world for its global campaign so it transformed
into a transnational Islamic movement. “It may turn out that some of the
suicide bombers had traveled to Islamic State redoubts in the Middle East, but
even if none did, the anti- Muslim sentiment
that has bubbled
up in Sri Lanka since 2012 was arguably sufficient to radicalize Sri
Lankan Muslims at home” (De Votta, 2019).
The role of Islamic State
Two days after
the terrorist attacks
in Sri Lanka, “the IS took credit
for the bombings” (Srinivasan, 2019). Though Muslims in Sri Lanka were aware of
IS’ ideologies and it’s political
mobilizations in the Middle East, there was no any obvious sign of the IS
military mobilization in Sri Lanka.
Sri Lankan authorities have blamed a local extremist
group, NTJ, but, there is no conclusive evidence that IS planned, guided and
executed the terrorist attacks. It seems that NTJ – whose leader, Zahran
Hashmi, became known to Muslim leaders three years ago for his incendiary
online speeches against non-Muslims – was attracted by the IS campaigns and
mobilizations in the Middle East. This “attraction” does not help to establish
a direct link between Mohammed Zahran and his team and IS. Sri Lankan
authorities have not established any conclusive evi- dences to blame IS for the
21 April terrorist attacks. However, in 2016 Sri Lankan authorities claimed
that “thirty-two Sri Lankan Muslims from ‘well-educated and elite’ families
have joined Islamic State in Syria” (Aneez, 2016). The government spokesperson
claimed that “all these (Muslims) are not from ordinary families. These people
are from the families which are consid- ered as well-educated and elite”
(Aneez, 2016). Muslim civil society organizations such as the Muslim Council of
Sri Lanka (MCSL), an umbrella body that includes most Muslim organiza- tions in
the country, rejected the statement from Sri Lanka authorities, saying the
statement came at a “very opportune time to certain extremist elements bent on
tarnishing the image” of Sri Lankan Muslims (Aneez, 2016).
Though there is no conclusive evidence to establish a
link between IS and the 21 April terror- ists,
it is true that during the ethnic civil war against the Tamil Tigers, “there is
discontent among Muslims, particularly among the young in some areas” (Luthra,
2004), and it radicalized a section
of the eastern Muslims (Imtiyaz, 2005). Radicalization among eastern Muslims
was confined to a basic level and a
remarkable number of the Muslims of the region are active in embracing the radical Islamic ideology to eradicate
all ethnic identities and make religious identity paramount. Unemployment,
frustration and Tamil violence as well as the inability of the Muslim political
representations to fix the problems of the Muslims of the east motivated some
Muslims to adopt violence. Such groups are active though “they are small and
not a major security threat” (International Crisis Group, 2007: 3).
Since the end of the civil war against the Tamil Tigers, Muslims,
who supported the state against
the Tamil Tigers, expected
the peace, but experiences suggest
that Sri Lankan
Muslims in southern
Sri Lanka
have become the target of Sinhala-Buddhist mobs. However, there is no evidence at this
point to prove that IS has been exploiting Sri Lankan Muslims’ grievances for
its own agenda.
State concessions to Sri Lankan
Muslim elites
In deeply
divided democratic societies, politicians would employ
different vote outbidding policies to win votes. In Sri Lanka, since independence,
Sinhala politicians attached to the major political parties promised attractive
policies to woo minority politicians. Minority politicians benefited from
Sinhala politicians’ offer of cabinet positions, and other significant and
non-significant posi- tions and
packages.
Sri Lankan Muslim politicians won various political and
administrative positions as both Tamil and
Christian politicians won in post-independence Sri Lanka. It is true that though
Muslims in Sri Lanka are a numerically small
community, their elites have won significant political and religious concessions for the community
from the time of independence. State concessions such as ministe- rial positions, giving cultural autonomy to Muslims
were made possible to the fact that Muslims are placed as a second order
minority in deeply divided ethno-religious make-up and politics. The close links the Muslims had with the
Sinhalese in trade and business, and the strategy of political opportunism to
win political and social benefits, ensured security (mainly from the Tamils) and safeguarded their commercial
interests. These benefits prompted the Muslim elite to lean towards the Sinhalese political
establishments.
While the cooperation of the Muslim
elite with the Sinhalese ruling
class won important minis- terial portfolios for Muslims in successive governments, the resulting economic
and social benefits ensured their freedom to
practise their religion (such as to establish mosques and madrassas, and issue Halal food certification). Thus
the Muslim masses largely remained untroubled by the con- flict (except those
in the north and east directly engaged with the Tamil community). By “appeas-
ing” the Muslims
who welcomed state concessions to their faith, which is rooted in Arabic culture and identity, mainly those outside
of the north and east of the country, in this manner, the identity of the
Muslims was further compounded within a socio-cultural and religious framework.
In other words, state concessions to
Muslim elites contributed to the rise of a conservative form of Islam among Sri
Lankan Muslims at the popular level. It is true that the state also provided
concessions both to Tamil and
Catholic minorities. The concessions both Tamils
and Catholics won from the state are mainly political in nature. But the
concessions from the state to Muslim elites basically empowered Muslim identity
formation and religious bases; for example, hundreds of madrassas were
established in Sri Lanka after 1983 in areas where Muslims would have significant
domina- tion, including in Colombo.
Muslim politicians won their votes from their Muslim
constituencies by promising religious benefits such as the allocation of lands
for mosques and madrassa buildings. Muslim voters responded to Muslim
politicians’ symbolic appeals, which are fundamentally the Middle East in
nature due to their Arab ancestry. Muslim politicians, by and large, delivered
their promises and thus contributed to the isolation.
Mosques and madrassa buildings are being built without
much resistance from local Sinala authorities. As for madrassas, local
madrassas often target economically weaker sections of Muslims, who are very
proud of their Arab culture and the Middle Eastern background. The stu- dents are being taught in Tamil, but madrassas pay significant
attention to teaching both Arabic language and Islam (Gafoordeen et al., 2013). Madrassa students
are not being trained in any mod- ern education
or English. The madrassa managements often hostile to any constructive suggestions from Muslim scholars (Interview, 2019). According to
a key authority on madrassas in Colombo, classes are often conducted
by poorly educated
teachers who have no meaningful knowledge of
modernity.
Though Muslim scholars want the Sri Lankan state to take action to regulate madrassa education, successive Sri Lankan
administrations did not take any actions to regulate madrassas. It is partly because
of fear of losing Muslim support for power mobilization.
Apart from madrassas, there exist Arabic Colleges in Sri
Lanka.2 “At the moment, there are
more than 205 Madrasas registered as Arabic Colleges
(AC). Most of them are following the Dar’s
- e- Nizami syllabusIndia madrasa system in teaching and management. These colleges are private
intuitions registered under the act of Muslim cultural affairs
of Sri Lanka” (Gafoordeen et al., April
2013). These Arabic Colleges’ curricula are poorly organized and do not
include any teaching on science or technology (Ibid).
Also, the Arabic language teachers
of arabic colleges
have not trained
to teach the Arabic language. The teaching environment is not suitable
for a range of aptitude of students
in a class.
Madrassas in Sri Lanka have functioned out of mainstream
education supervision and manage-
ment until June 2019 (Madrassas to be regulated under ministry of education: DG
ISPR, 2019). Actions are being taken to “include contemporary subjects” and
“madrassas will be under the Ministry
of Education (Madrassas to be regulated under ministry of education: DG ISPR, 2019). My personal communication with
madrassa teachers and management in 2018 in Colombo sug- gested that madrassa students are being guided to hate the West and to consolidate a pan-Arabic
identity for Muslims in Sri Lanka. Therefore, it is important note that state
concessions over mad- rassas and Arabic Colleges
for Muslims helped
galvanize Muslims, while pushing Muslims
into an isolated
socio-cultural spaces.
With emphasis on religious identity now being thrust upon
its political and social circles, the Muslim community was able to extract
cultural concessions from the state, which only served to harden this
“ethno-religious” identity and provide a solid platform for an Islamic
“exclusivism”. The rise of mosque building in Sri Lanka is one of the key
concessions Muslim politicians have won from successive administrations. For
Muslims, mosques play a central role in their life and existence. Local law and order institutions paid little or
no attention to ensuring whether any new mosque
constructions would get an official approval. In May 2019, “Colombo Mayor Rosy Senanayake requested Mowlavis to get unregistered mosques registered with the CMC considering
the current situation prevailing in the country” (Mayor urges unregistered
mosques to be regis- tered, 2019).
The identity of Sri Lankan Muslims was further influenced
as a result of the global Islamic reformation process that took place,
post-Iranian revolution, coupled with Middle Eastern petro- dollar funding,
spurring large-scale movements to spread Islam
and migration of people for Middle Eastern employment. It is important
to note that the UNP’s economic
policies to liberalize the Sri Lankan
economy in 1978 opened the doors for economically weaker sections of Muslims to
seek job opportunities in the Middle East in general
and Saudi Arabia
in particular. My communications
with Muslims who secured jobs in the Middle Eastern countries suggest that they
became more religious when they were
in the Middle East (Interview, 2019). During the 1980s, Sri Lankan eth- nic conflict between the Tamils and Sinhalese triggered instability
and thus seriously destabilized the country. Muslims who live in the north and
east confronted challenges. Those challenges, according to some Muslims,
solidified Muslims’ Arabic identity by consolidating their non-Tamil identity. This trend also became
obvious when Muslims were targeted by Sinhala-Buddhist mobs from 2012. That is to say that the rising violence against
Muslims in cosmopolitan areas such as Kandy
and Galle increased insecurity among Muslims. Some Muslims embraced Muslim identity
markers such as the niqab, abaya or praying five times a day as a measure of
protection. They, according to my communications with
some of them (Interview, 2019), thought that their God, Allah, would protect them from evil schemes planned and
executed by non-Muslims, or Kafirs.
The Sinhala-Buddhist extremists see the rise of Muslim symbols such as the niqab and mosques
as the ‘Islamization’ of Sri Lanka, but in deeply divided democratic societies,
this type of conces- sion may be an inevitable result of political bargaining, but such concessions may be politicized by dominant forces for their own power mobilization.
Easing tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims
The
homogeneous element (or Ummah, as described above) is being seized upon as a
negative trend (especially with the Sinhala-Buddhist extremists) arguing that
the ‘Islamization’ of Sri Lanka opens the door to extremist tendencies. Yet it
perhaps can also be a “saving grace” to see how tensions can be eased by
Muslims between Muslims and non-Muslims. In order for this to happen, one must
look within the Muslim community, understanding their own traditions, princi-
ples and values.
Using the fact that faith is both a moral motivator and
theological marker, it is imperative to understand the concept of a developing
Islamic jurisprudence principle, called fiqh al-aqaliyy’at (jurisprudence
of minorities). This has been used so far to look at the situation of Muslim minori- ties living in the West facing the challenges of a secular
law and culture as well as issues
of identity and citizenship
that have taken a turn for the worse in the aftermath of 9/11.
The fiqh (jurisprudence) tradition has engaged in
considerable detail with the status of non- Muslim minorities living in Muslim-majority societies but not with the position
of Muslim minori- ties residing in
non-Muslim-majority countries. Large-scale migration of Muslims to Western countries as a twentieth-century
post-colonial phenomenon has, for the most part, prompted the rethinking of this condition which has
applicability for the Muslim context in Sri Lanka.
In essence, the tradition reaffirms the notion and
provides theological paradigms that guide Muslim minorities, who are expected to
observe the ethical guidelines of Islam and its essentials as well as the guidelines of the Qur’an
and Sunnah concerning their relations with the followers of other religions.
In short, they must accordingly cultivate mutual respect and friendship with
their host communities. Many Muslim scholars of standing have subscribed to the
view that Muslims living in non-Muslim-majority countries must live as law-abiding citizens. They are also expected
to be honest and trustworthy, and remain open to beneficial changes that help
them live in peace and harmony
(March, 2009).
Fiqh al-aqalliyāt is widely
regarded as a new field of study. Yet many scholars who have spoken on the subject have considered it
as an extension of the rich edifice of fiqh (March, 2009). Nevertheless, the objectives of fiqh al-aqalliyāt are somewhat more specific due to the new condi- tions and challenges faced by
Muslim minorities and it is important that Islamic texts and scrip- tures are
read and interpreted in the light of historical and contemporary developments.
When tackling newly emerging issues among minorities in
quest of a response to the chal- lenges they face, the jurist is advised to pay attention
to considerations of public interest
(maÎlaÍah) that include the interests of these groups as well as
the communities and nations in which they reside. It is also acknowledged that
some of the issues faced may need to be addressed in a wider context, even
outside the scopes respectively of fiqh and law due to the need to move
abreast with the dynamics of
political and economic developments affecting the lives of Muslim minorities. In sum,
fiqh al-aqalliyāt would be unable to meet its desired objectives without a degree
of openness to the influence
of other disciplines and non-fiqh sources, such as sociology, economics,
medi- cine, law and political science. To meet
these challenges, Muslim scholars and researchers are similarly advised to take
into consideration the higher goals and purposes (maqasÎid) of Shariah
(Hussain, 2016).
Fiqh of minorities
should aim, according to several leading maxims (Hussain, 2016), at bring- ing ease and relief to minorities
to enable them to overcome their difficulties. Muslim minorities should be able
not only to preserve their religious identity but also to perform their civic
duties as good citizens of their
respective countries. It is imperative, then, to vindicate justice and fair deal- ings
as the higher objectives of Islam and the pillars
of peace and honorable living for all those who wish to live in peace and harmony with
one another.
In Sri Lanka, as mentioned above, Muslims are being
identified with Islam and Middle Eastern culture. There is a likelihood of
manipulation of the Muslim identity by external Islamic forces such as IS. The
terrorist bombings of 21 April clearly indicate that pan-Arabic Islamic
terrorist movements have eyes on Sri Lanka and they would exploit the local
tensions and aspirations to meet their own agendas.
Since Sri Lankan Muslims’ identity
is deeply attached
to pan-Arabic sym- bols, it is rather easy for external
Islamists to use and misuse Sri Lankan Muslims for their own agendas. The key revelation related to
the radicalization of Muslims three years ago claimed that “thirty-two Sri Lankan Muslims from ‘well-educated and
elite’ families have joined Islamic State in Syria”
(Aneez, 2016). Muslim
community leaders casted
doubts about the development (Aneez,
2016), but democratic representations of the Muslim community failed to recognize the rising radi- calization among a section of
Muslims.
It is important for minority community leaders to seek
political priorities, demands and choices that would not lead to unnecessary mistrust and tensions
in a society where the majority has
politi- cal domination and cleavages. This does not suggest that
minorities learn to live as obediently as they
can, but in democratic, but divided, societies such political leaning may help
generate peace and confidence at the popular
level. In Sri Lanka, Muslim elites need to seek better ways to manage tensions with non-Muslim
communities. Muslim political leaders in Sri Lanka are no exception to Downs’ theory
that political leaders
make choices or “formulate policies
in order to win elections” (Downs, 1957: 28).
To seek
an intervention, Muslim leaders need to recognize their own community’s crisis.
As discussed above, due to the nature of politics
and the conflict in Sri Lanka, the Muslim community has been forced to define itself
and seek its own discourse. While Muslims are aware of the chal- lenges they
face, they have to be able to understand where they have gone wrong. While
there is a realization that exclusive social practices and value-practice
among Muslims themselves have to be curtailed, this has to allow for the beginning of a potential
conversation in ensuring
that tensions can be
alleviated.
Concluding remarks
Muslim
democratic representations need to play “genuine and responsible” political
roles in national affairs.
Also, Muslim politicians need to understand the consequences of employing sym- bolic religious slogans to win the
votes of Muslims who value religious identity over other traits. It is very likely
that too much dependency on religion to just win elections could transform society
into the stage where commitments to non-violence can be discouraged as
Sri Lanka witnessed on 21 April 2019.
Transnational Islamic movements such as IS are very active in recruiting from polarized regions, and Sri Lanka might
become a breeding ground for such group recruitment.
Therefore, it is very important for Muslim politicians not to use
religious symbols and emotional rhetoric to win votes. It is the fact that the current
world is highly connected by technology and thus
people who have access to modern technology would be able to read and to know
the trends that take place beyond
their own geographical boarders.
Islamic fundamentalism in Sri Lanka also can be read as a by-product of the state’s
cultural and socio-economic concessions in the 1970s and 1980s to the Muslim elites to win Muslim support.
Needless
to say, the state’s cultural
concessions delighted Muslims, but some cultural concessions offered in the past could have provided a solid
platform for the recent growth of Islamic exclusiv- ism. It is politically
wrong to veil the trend. And denial from the Muslim political establishment
about the existence of Islamic fundamentalist trends may reduce the Muslim
democratic voices to mere voices that are only aspiring to power.
Rising Islamophobia is one of worrying trends
in post-war Sri Lanka. It is important
to note that the
state is not primarily Islamophobic in Sri Lanka, but politicians and their supporters
use anti- minority slogans for power
mobilization. Sri Lanka’s electoral history confirms this tendency (Imtiyaz, 2014).
But the state
may use this Islamophobia from below to woo Sinhala
support. This indirect state-supported Islamophobia is equally
dangerous as the state would openly identify
itself as Islamophobic. Sri Lankan security forces’ failure to act
against the Sinhala mobs and certain police
forces’ support for the Sinhala mobs to attack Muslims and their properties suggest
state complicity in violence against
Muslims in May 2019.
As discussed above, growing Islamic fundamentalism, which
was and is the by-product of sev- eral socio-political realities, needs
to be monitored and contained for a better future. But those measures need to
be carefully conducted. Any arbitrary action, including arrests, may serve to ignite both fears and tensions. “On May
17, police in central Sri Lanka arrested Abdul Raheem Mazahina, 47-year-old
grandmother, because of the pattern on her dress. During the 17 days that she spent behind bars, guards
repeatedly referred to Mazahina as a ‘terrorist’” (Fuller and Rizvie, 2019b).
It is the responsibility of the state and Sri Lanka politicians to win over
minorities by eas- ing their
fears and boosting
their confidence. Recent
moves by the state such as banning
the abaya and niqab “in
public in a bid to help police track down wanted terrorists” were not received
posi- tively by certain sections of Sri Lanka Muslims (Baker, 2019).
There are several
political ways to win over the trust
of minorities in democratic plural
societies. One of them is to offer meaningful socio-economic
concessions. Ruling and/or opposition politi- cians should not promise and/or
deliver any religio-cultural concessions to minority politicians. Fears from
the majority Sinhalese may be eased when concessions are purely socio-economic
rather than religio-cultural concessions.
Importantly, the Sri Lankan state
has a responsibility to regulate
all religious schools,
including madrassas. No funds from foreign countries should be allowed
without state supervision to any schools,
including religious schools. The syllabus of all religious schools should be
prepared by community-approved scholars who have greater understanding of both
a particular religion and non-religious
education. On the other hand, Sri Lanka’s ruling and opposition Sinhala
politicians should not resort to destructive paths to fight extremism. The
fight against terrorism should be designed both politically and economically. Strategic
mechanisms need to be employed
to win over the Muslims, who
have been cooperating with the state and its institutions to fight radicals among them even prior to the 21 April
terrorist bombings. In sum, the government in Colombo should do more to protect Muslims from revenge
attacks and to confront rising Islamophobia.
Funding
The
authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
ORCID
iD
|
A.R.M. Imtiyaz https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9537-4632
Notes
1.
BBS is a radical Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalist organization
based in Colombo, Sri Lanka that was formed during 2012. BBS seeks the
enforcement of Buddhist predominance in Sri Lanka. It has organ- ized various
campaigns against the country’s minority Muslim and Christian communities
which, according to the organization, pose a threat to Sri Lanka’s
Sinhalese-Buddhist identity. BBS engages
in hate speech and attacks against minority religions. Its headquarters
are located at Sri Sambuddha Jayanthi Mandira in Colombo. Sri Sambuddha
Jayanthi Mandira is owned by the Buddhist Cultural Center, an organization
founded by Kirama Wimalajothi.
2.
“For the record, there are 749 Muslim Schools in Sri Lanka, and
205 madrasas registered under the Department
of Muslim cultural affairs which provide Islamic education. The Islamic
university in Beruwala (Jamiya Naleemiya) and Two
State Universities offer first degree in Arabic and Islamic studies. Two other universities are offering
General Degree programmes. Although, Government Teachers Training Colleges
(GTTC) and Colleges of Education have been established to train the teachers for teaching Islam, and Arabic
language at government schools (Ministry of
Education, 2010). There is a Muslim Religious consultative Board
appointed by the Ministry of Education to counsel the government on matters
related to the teaching of Islam and Arabic in schools (Ministry of Education, 2010). The
Muslim Unit of
the Ministry of
Education and the
National Institute of Education
(NIE) frequently conducts seminars for teachers of Arabic and Islamic studies”
(Gafoordeen et al., 2013).
===================
A.R.M. Imtiyaz’s research projects examine ethnic conflict
and post-war peace in South Asia and China, and
he has published widely in scholarly journals
both in the US and the UK. He taught
ethnic conflict and nation-
alism at the Department of Political Science,
Temple University, USA, from 2009 to 2017.
Currently, he lives in China for his research work.
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