Wednesday, February 26, 2014

Minorities in the Indian Sub-Continent

[Note: This article on the status of minority Muslims in India was written more than ten years ago and appeared in several Internet sites. Because of its relevance today when the Hindutvadi forces are trying to foment hatred and division, I am reposting it in its entirety. - Habib Siddiqui]
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Minorities in the Indian Sub-continent
by Habib Siddiqui
(Thursday, September 11, 2003)

"In India Muslims are portrayed as villains, outsiders and plunderers. In their xenophobia, Indian Hindus forget that Muslims made India their home and that they are the beneficiaries of monuments, civil systems, highways, and social structures that were put in place by enlightened Muslim rulers."

 
Many Indian Hindus often present a very rosy picture about Indian democracy and secularism, while stereotyping its neighbors Bangladesh and Pakistan negatively. They blame Muslims for the partition of India and the communal riots that rock India almost on a regular basis. Commenting about communalism, in a Bangladeshi website, Shetubondhon, an Indian observed: "The situation is probably similar in Bangladesh. Only difference is, both in Pakistan and India, leaders (Jinnah and Nehru) assured the minorities of equal rights, but did not fulfill it. Bangladesh does not have any such obligations. It is a country created for some Bengalis, transformed itself into a country for some Bengali Muslims, in which minorities are encouraged to migrate to India."
 
Let me make some observations here. For centuries, Bangladesh has been an oasis of peaceful coexistence between various religious communities. (Ref: Bangladesher Itihas by Prof. Sirajul Islam, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka (1993)) This is especially true since the time of (Muslim ruler) Ikhtiyaruddin Bakhtiyar Khilji (1201 C.E.), until about early 20th century of the British colonization.[1] The British tried to foment communalism through her Euro-centric historians and their students, many of whom were Hindus. Then there were economic and sociopolitical changes that the British Raj gradually imposed, which further alienated its Muslim subjects. Land ownership was transferred; taxation and usurious loans totally broke the backbone of Muslim Bengalis. Through a criminally-intent periodization of Indian history, Muslims were portrayed as outsiders and that the Muslim period, in contrast to English colonization, was a horrific one. Hindus were taught to think ill of Muslims. This criminal policy was a successful one to divide the Indian people. And in the end, we settled for Pakistan and India.
 
But even before that there were people like A.K. Fazlul Haq, Abul Hashim, Col. Shah Nawaz Khan and Hussain Shahid Suhrawardi who at various times had worked with fellow Hindus Subash Chandra Bose and Sharat Chandra Bose towards a unified dream in Bengal (where Muslims comprised a majority). Even Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the All-India Muslim League, who is blamed by Hindus for dividing India, gave his blessing to Sharat-Suhrawardi formula for an undivided Bengal so that Bengali-speaking Muslims and Hindus can live together. If all these Muslims were communalistic such a unified stand could not have been dreamed of. But most Hindu leaders, outside the Bose brothers, were not as forthcoming. There were too many Ballav Bhai Patels, Savarkars and the like on the other side. Their arrogance, their big-brother like attitude, their desire to control everything, and discrimination of Muslims were more to be blamed for the emergence of Pakistan. In fact, Jinnah was more secular than any of the Indian Hindu leaders.
 
In post-partitioned India, Mowlana Abul Kalam Azad, a past president of Indian National Congress, would be sidelined and given a less important ministry. And many qualified Indian Muslims never went too far in their careers. (Even in his last years, Syed Mujtaba Ali, a very prominent writer and educationist, had to settle in Bangladesh because of being sidelined in Tagore's Shanti Niketan.) Yes, India, in her 56-year history, can boast of placing three Muslims into the post of President, a symbolic position in a parliamentary democracy, but that, too, was more for politics than anything else. This (appointment of Muslims) is often cited as a sign of Muslim appeasement or pluralism in India. But the reality is quite different. India cannot obliterate the fact that most of the relatives of these past Muslim Presidents had to leave India and settle in Pakistan for they felt insecure as minorities living in so-called secular India.[2] Many minorities who could afford to leave India have often opted to settle outside. So, the picture is not all that rosy in India. As long as Indian democracy does not elect a minority Muslim (by people's direct vote) as her Premier, with real authority, arguably, her secularism is not quite so strong. It is more like hogwash, used for political expediency.
 
In India Muslims are portrayed as villains, outsiders and plunderers. In their xenophobia, Indian Hindus forget that Muslims made India their home and that they are the beneficiaries of monuments, civil systems, highways, and social structures that were put in place by enlightened Muslim rulers. Muslims led the Freedom Movement against the British Raj decades before Hindus came to the scene. Who can deny the fact that M.K. Gandhi enjoyed mass support among Muslims and benefited from the visionary work of many Muslim leaders such as Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan ("Frontier Gandhi"), Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, and Rafi Ahmad Kidwai? Then, why this mass hysteria against Muslims of India?
 
As Prof. Mushirul Hasan has pointed out, prejudices against minorities require a process of collective myth-making by which one community defines its attitudes to the other. He says, "The need or search for a common enemy to fight against then takes shape. Similar to Hitler's fabrication of Jews as the 'demon' race, the Hindutwavadis have singled out Muslims as the absolute evil. In fact, hostility to Muslims and Islam has always been central to their political logic, including the RSS's brand of nationalism, right from the beginning. All out efforts are thus made to rationalize such myths and on the other hand mythicize reason, logic and rational understanding of social issues. The ultimate aim of all such nefarious notions, designs, etc., is to force a new agenda of restructuring the existing socio-political system on the basis of 'Hindu nationalism'. An expression of one such `social engineering’ is the attempt to distort history and general language-text books to project a pro-Hindu-mythology education and on the other hand, attempt to brazenly cultivate anti-Muslim sentiments."[3] (Legacy of a Divided Nation, by Mushirul Hasan, Oxford University Press, 1997)
 
Here are some myths that Indian Hindus often present (Ref: Mushirul Hasan):
1.     Myth: Successive Governments Pampered and Appeased the Muslim Community"
 
Facts:
1.1 State Class 1 Services
Muslims were 3.3% by the 1980s
1.2 High Courts
Out of 310 judges as on Jan. 4.1980, 14 were Muslims.
(Samples are based on 13 States, with Muslim population of 14.39%)
1.3 All-Indian-Services
In decision making posts in these services, Muslim representation was as follows:
Total Muslims Percentage
Indian Administrative 2.14 (as on January 1984)
Indian Police Service 3.00 (as on January 1983)
1.4 Industry
Among the country's top industrial houses, not one is owned or controlled by a Muslim.
Muslims are predominantly in the handicraft sector as skilled artisans. A countrywide survey, which covered 31 districts, from 12 States indicate that out of 12.68 lakh (i.e., 1.268 MM) artisans employed in the Sector, 51.89 percent were Muslims. But Muslim ownership accounted for only 4.4 percent. In terms of financial assistance, Muslim borrowers were 4.3 percent, and the volume of loans paid out to them was 2.02 percent. The total financial sector disbursed only 3.76 percent differential interest rate credit to Muslims.
1.5 Education
According to the survey of the Planning Commission, 1987-88, the average literacy rate among Muslims was 42 per cent, which is less than the national average of 52.11 percent. In the case of women, 11 per cent Muslim women were literate compared to the national average of 39.42 per cent. Figures for the period 1980-81, indicate that the educational status of this community is that (1) only 4 per cent appeared in Class X (Board of Secondary Education) Examination in 8 States, out of the total that appeared for the examinations, and (2) there were only 3.4 percent Muslims in Graduate Engineering and 3.44 percent in MBBS.
 
In Kerala, Muslims had a comparatively higher literacy rate, yet they were far behind others, sharing the endemic problem of their co-religionist as a whole. The Mappilas, for example, held only between a quarter and half of the percentage of positions in government departments, proportionate to their share of the population." (Hasan, op. cit.)
 
1.6 Armed Services
In his book, "Muslims in Free India", Moin Shakir reveals that at the time of the Partition, the representation of Muslims in the armed forces, was 32% but today it stands at a mere 2%.[4]
 
On the issue of Muslim appeasement by Indian governments, Prof. Hasan states, "A large majority of the Muslims -- nearly 71 per cent -- live in rural areas, and are mostly landless labourers, small and marginal farmers, artisans, craftsmen and shopkeepers. Their social stratification and class interests are more or less the same as those of other people in the countryside. More than half of the Muslim urban population lives below the poverty line, compared to about 35 per cent of Hindus.
 
Out of nearly 76 million, more than 35 million live below the poverty line. The rest are self-employed. Many fewer urban Muslims work for a regular wage or salary than members of other religious groups. In most areas the Muslim share in public and private employment is small.
 
2. Myth: Religious minorities are allowed to run educational institutions with no interference from the government.
Fact: All religious communities, including Hindus, are allowed to and do operate educational institutions relatively free of government control and to offer religious education to co-religionists in such institutions. To illustrate, there is also the Benaras Hindu University (BHU) like the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and several other educational institutions which are linked to religious bodies and denominations, such as Arya Samaj or Sanathan Dharma, or those linked with Christian, Sikh and other minorities.
 
3. Myth: Concessions to Muslims through "persistent official reluctance to enact a Uniform Civil Code.
Fact: The issue of the Uniform Civil Code today has been greatly communalized. Hindu revivalists are clamoring for it on the grounds that the minorities enjoy certain privileges under their personal laws while Hindus do not. What they conveniently overlook is the fact that propertied Hindus are not subject to any national code. Instead they enjoy certain special privileges, which caters to only their interests, viz. the benefits under Hindu Undivided Family/Co-Parcenary Property concept. Not only is this a privilege restricted to Hindus, women are denied equal rights within the Undivided Hindu Family. None among the Hindutwavadis have come forwards to proclaim that these features militate against Article 44 of the Constitution. Moreover, legal prohibition does not deter Hindu (or other non-Muslims) men from taking on more than one wife, deserting the wives (without bothering about divorce), defaulting on alimony and child maintenance, demanding dowry, and indulging in similarly unlawful behavior, e.g., the practice of `maitri karar' (friendship agreement).
 
Furthermore, many Hindu revivalists who otherwise champion the cause of Uniform Civil Code fought bitterly against the efforts to make anti-sati legislation more effective following the Roop Kanwar tragedy in 1987. They claim that the State has no right to interfere with Hindu faith and tradition. Ultimately the point being stressed is that the Civil Code should be common and uniform for all citizens. A Civil Code however would mean not only the abandonment of the Muslim Personal Law but also such laws mentioned above, i.e. the Hindu Undivided Family Act. This means that equal rights and justice will have to be granted to women in all matters of inheritance and other areas.
Second given the highly pluralistic constitutional framework of our country interrogation of Personal Laws including Hindu Law should proceed not in terms of "appeasement" but in terms of gross violation of norms of gender justice. "Any political party condemning "appeasement" ought to present the nation its own agenda of reform which retains cultural identity while removing the denial of rights arising from tradition. In the absence of any agenda mass mobilization could only cruelly disrupt communal harmony." (Upendra Baxi, Times of India, 1.1.93)
 
4. Myth: Equality of opportunity for the Muslims
Fact: Prof. Hasan writes, "The government machinery has been either hostile or lackadaisical in responding to individual and collective efforts to redress the inequities and imbalances in private and public sectors. In May 1983 Indira Gandhi emphasised her commitment to the secular ideal. The India of our dreams, she wrote, can survive only if Muslims and other minorities can live in absolute safety and confidence.
Acting at the behest of some Muslim members of Parliament and the Jamiyat-al-ulama, she issued guidelines on better job opportunities for Muslims, but the central and state governments ignored her directive. Individual appeals to industrialists to recruit Muslim graduates fell on deaf ears. Such was Badruddin Tyabji's experience as Aligarh University's vice-chancellor. He discovered, as have others since, the small proportion of Muslims in large-scale industry or business.
 
Not a single Muslim figured among the 50 industrial houses up till 1985. Muslim industrialists owned only 4 units in a group of 2,832 industrial enterprises, each with sales of Rs 50 million and above. In the smaller industrial sector, they owned about 14,000 units out of a total of 600,000 of which 2,000 belonged to the 'small' category with a limited capital outlay.
 
In general, Muslim access to government-sponsored welfare projects was limited. For example, up till 1985 Muslims in the lower and middle income groups received 2.86 per cent of houses allotted by the state governments and only 6.9 per cent of licenses for 'Fair Price' shops. Muslim artisans received only 9.15 per cent of the benefits extended by the Khadi and Village Industries Commission. Only 301 out of the 10,450 units under the KVIC programme belonged to Muslims, and only 45 out of 5,846 artisans who gained subsidies for purchasing tools and equipments were Muslims; as were only 99 out of 74,000 who secured other financial benefits.
 
Muslims accounted for 3 per cent of the sums advanced and 3.4 per cent of the recipients of loans for small industry and agriculture in the range of Rs 50,000 to Rs 100,000, and less than 6 percent in the Rs 100,000 to Rs 200,000 category. They accounted for 3 percent of recipients and 1 per cent of sums advanced in the higher bracket of Rs 200,000 to Rs 1 million. The GSC thought that the poorer Muslims should have benefited most from the differential rate of interest and composite loan schemes, which were meant for lower income groups, but this did not happen.
Many writers emphatically believe that discriminatory practices contributed to Muslims being the hewers of wood and drawers of water. 'Equality of opportunity guaranteed by the Constitution,' Shahabuddin commented, 'has largely proved to be a mirage in practice. Muslim India suffers from discrimination in access to public employment, to higher education or to career promotion opportunities, to public credit, to industrial and trade licensing.'"[5]
-----
In today's India, historical revisionism to further polarize majority Hindus against Muslims has official BJP sanction. That is why in recent days, we are not too surprised to see the ugly side of massacre of Muslims in India. Gujarat (a state with only 9% Muslim population) was neither the first, nor will it be the last of its kind. Kashmir problem remains an unsolved problem for the last 56 years. Hindu India would not solve the problem, hoping foolishly that the problem would simply go away. Unfortunately, problems of this nature never die. They simmer, even when the flame can't be seen from above. One after another mosques are vandalized in India. The Hindu fascists are on a roll to demolish many more mosques, trying to make the land pure for Hindus only. No effective measure has been taken that encourages Muslims towards greater participation in Indian national life.
 
Let me also state that it would be dishonest if someone were to deny that there were no religiously motivated killings in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Like almost any other place in this globe, Bangladesh and Pakistan have their share of such crimes. They probably have more now than before, say, some two decades ago. The situation in India and other parts of the world where Muslims are victimized is obviously not helping to rein on the situation.
 
What however, sets Bangladesh apart is the fact that unlike the criminal state government(s) in Guajarat now (or in Assam in the late '70s), her government never had any policy in which its various branches were used to victimize minorities. (See the recently released 70-page long HRW report on Gujarat.) The Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees equal rights and opportunities to all its citizens, irrespective of religion. (See Articles below, for instance:)
27. Equality before law.
All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law.
28. Discrimination on grounds of religion, etc.
(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race caste, sex or place of birth.
(2) Women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the State and of public life.
(3) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth be subjected to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to access to any place of public entertainment or resort, or admission to any educational institution.
(4) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making special provision in favour of women or children or for the advancement of any backward section of citizens.
29. Equality of opportunity in public employment.
(1) There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in respect of employment or office in the service of the Republic.
(2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office in the service of the Republic.
(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from -
(a) making special provision in favour of any backward section of citizens for the purpose of securing their adequate representation in the service of the Republic;
(b) giving effect to any law which makes provision for reserving appointments relating to any religious or denominational institution to persons of that religion or denomination;
(c) reserving for members of one sex any class of employment or office on the ground that it is considered by its nature to be unsuited to members of the opposite sex.
 
Notwithstanding such lofty principles, enshrined in the Constitution of Bangladesh, the fact remains many well-to-do minorities leave the country. But such a practice is common everywhere, even in India. Minorities never feel too secure anywhere, esp. when they feel government machineries are not protective of them. That is why in Indian states like Gujarat with a smaller proportion of Muslims (esp., in districts with less than 20% Muslim population), Muslims are easy targets of violence in contrast to states with higher % of Muslims. And when you have fascists and religious bigots like Narendra Modi and Advani in power (on the top of this low percentage representation), one can well imagine, how terrifying the situation gets! Even here in the USA, despite all the high-sounding rights and liberality, freedom and opportunities, in the post-9/11 era, many a Muslim families have decided to leave America. Truly, we can have all the laws enshrined in our constitution that guarantee many rights, but at the end, it is how people feel about their application that is what counts.
 
Contrary to false assertion of the Indian lady (quoted earlier), Bangladesh is no worse a hell for minorities than is India or Burma. I pray and hope that the demon of communalism will one day go away from our subcontinent, and we shall all be living a peaceful life, something that was typical of Bengal in post-Khilji period until the British colonizers came. And (probably) of all these independent states in the Indian sub-continent, Bangladesh is uniquely placed to become the torchbearer in this path. After all, the spirit of the universal brotherhood of man has been succinctly emphasized in the following folksong of Bangladesh: "Nanan boron gaabhiray tor ekoi boron doodh, /Jagat Bharamiya, dekhlam ekoi maayer poot." [The cow's skin may take many hues but its milk is white everywhere, / All men and women are offspring of the same Mother Eve].
 
Notes:
[1] Before the Muslim rule in Bengal, there was a period marked by extermination and persecution of Buddhists by Hindus, as a result of which many Bengali Buddhists migrated elsewhere, esp. to Sri Lanka, where they now form the majority.
[2] For example, the siblings and other relatives of two of the late Indian Muslim Presidents, Dr Zakir Hussein and Mr Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, migrated to Pakistan during the lifetimes of Zakir Hussein and Ali Ahmed, respectively.
[3] Excerpted from Legacy of a Divided Nation, by Mushirul Hasan, Oxford University Press, 1997.
[4] See, also, Radiance, the Delhi-based English weekly; Muslim India, edited by Syed Shahabuddin; and Aijazuddin Ahmad's studies reveal how most Muslims, chiefly in UP, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bengal, remain on the lowest rung of the ladder according to the basic indicators of socio-economic development.
[5] Mushirul Hasan, op. cit.
 

 

Tuesday, February 25, 2014

All those fuss about ‘Endangered Demography’

I recently came across an article by Tapan Kumar Ghosh, the fanatic leader of Hindu Samhati, in the IBTL, entitled “Bengal's doomed Hindu community,” which requires response to correct the confusion and falsity that he has deliberately tried to create in the mind of his readers. He falsely claims that Islamists from Bangladesh have been infiltrating India virtually turning those bordering districts of India-Bangladesh border into Islamist strongholds.

To support his thesis, Ghosh quotes from Bimal Pramanik, the director of Centre for Research in Indo-Bangla Relations (CRIBR), a front that is long known for its anti-Bangladesh bias and anti-Muslim agenda gravitating extremist Hindus for the Hindutvadi cause. Ghosh writes, “Take the situation in 24 Parganas border district. According to Bimal Pramanik (Endangered Demography: Nature and Impact of Demographic Changes in West Bengal, 1951-2001), ‘The 1981-1991 decade witnessed a massive growth rate of Muslim population, viz. 41.47%. This obviously is due to Muslim infiltration from Bangladesh. Consequently, the share of Muslim population rose from 22.43% (1971) to 24.22% (2001) within three decades, in spite of a massive Hindu immigration from Bangladesh during the same period. It will be more revealing if we go through the Block-level demographic changes. It needs a special mention that a large number of Muslims who had migrated to East Pakistan after Partition came back to this district not only during 1951-1971 but also after 1971, and this remains a persistent trend till today. Another important feature that needs mention in this connection is the continuous in-flow of Urdu speaking Muslims from Bangladesh after 1971.’”

The above statement by Bimal Pramanik (and Tapan Ghosh) tries to create false impression about the entire cross border movement of people since 1947. It is faulty, to say the least. When India was partitioned some Hindus who did not like Jinnah's Two-Nation theory volunteered to leave Pakistan and settle in India. Some Muslims, likewise, moved to Pakistan from India. Over the years (and even decades), for a plethora of reasons, which are quite normal for the first generation of refugees, many of the refugees decided to return to their previous homes. And this phenomenon is not unique to any particular religious group.

In a collaborative research work between Johns Hopkins, Harvard, MIT and Fordham universities entitled “The Demographic Impact of Partition: Bengal in 1947,” the authors (K. Hill et al.) note that “Unlike the experience in the Punjab, where the bulk of Partition related migration was over by the end of 1947, migration of Bengali Hindus to India and of Bengali Moslems to East Pakistan continued through 1951, and indeed continued episodically over at least the next two decades.” So far from the myth that Ghosh and Paramanik try to create in the minds of their gullible readers, we notice that cross border migration of both Hindus and Muslims had continued for quite some time when many Hindus who had migrated to India returned to East Pakistan and similarly many Muslims – both Urdu and Bengali speaking – later returned to India. After Bangladesh became an independent state in 1971, many Hindus who had migrated to India and settled there earlier during the Pakistan era returned to Bangladesh, and many later decided to go back to India.

As to the Urdu-speaking people inside Bangladesh, commonly known as the Biharis who opposed the division of Pakistan, many of them opted to be settled in Pakistan, which did not happen except for a very small fraction. Most of them ended up living in the Red Cross Camps in various cities and later accepted Bangladeshi citizenship. If these so-called Biharis were to return to India, it is conceivable that they would settle in Bihar and not in West Bengal.

When one emigrant group’s (i.e., Hindu) return is welcome while another group’s (i.e., Muslim) return is frowned upon and depicted as ‘Islamist infiltration’, it is not difficult to see clear signs of bias of which Ghosh and Pramanik are guilty of.

Contrary to the claims made by the above Hindu leaders that the decade of 1981-1991 witnessed a ‘massive growth rate of Muslim population, viz. 41.47%’, in the 24 Pargana district there is no data whatsoever to support this outlandish assertion.

To understand the share of Muslim population rising from 22.43% in 1971 to 24.22% in 2001 in 24 Pargana district (more correctly, North 24 Pargana; see Table 1 for the Indian census report 2001), which is falsely attributed to massive Muslim immigration from Bangladesh, one simply has to look at the annual growth rate amongst Hindus and Muslims in an unbiased way, away from slogans and propaganda.

Table 1: Indian Census on West Bengal Population (2001)

#
District
Total Population
Muslim Population
% Muslim
1
5,866,569
3,735,380
63.67%
2
3,290,468
1,636,171
49.72%
3
2,441,794
1,156,503
47.36%
4
3,015,422
1,057,861
35.08%
5
6,906,689
2,295,967
33.24%
6
4,604,827
1,170,282
25.41%
7
4,273,099
1,044,383
24.44%
8
2,479,155
600,911
24.24%
9
8,934,286
2,164,058
24.22%
10
1,503,178
361,047
24.02%
11
4,572,876
926,761
20.27%
12
6,895,514
1,364,133
19.78%
13
5,041,976
763,471
15.14%
14
9,610,788
1,088,619
11.33%
15
3,401,173
369,195
10.85%
16
3,192,695
239,722
7.51%
17
2,536,516
180,694
7.12%
18
1,609,172
85,378
5.31%
 
Total:
80,176,197
20,240,536
25%

 

For this purpose, let’s take the 1931-41 Bengal census data of the British era (years before large-scale migration along the borders took place) as the basis of our analysis. The census data (Table 2) show that Hindu annual growth rate was less than that of Muslim, e.g., by nearly 0.25%.

Table 2: 1931-41 Population in joint-Bengal (British Census – without the Tribals)

Year =>
1931
 
1941
 
Total population in '000
48811
%
58838
%
Hindu
20670
42.3%
24244
41.2%
Muslim
27245
55.8%
32745
55.7%
Annual Hindu growth rate
1.61%
 
Annual Muslim growth rate
1.86%
 

 

It won't require an Einstein to do the math and find that Muslim proportion in 24 Pargana and some other Indian district has now gone up after decades (Table 1). Bottom line: for the Muslim population to grow to 24.22% after 30 years in North 24 Pargana it did not require any infiltration from outside; it was all natural, organic growth!

Anti-Muslim fanatics and bigots like Ghosh and Paramanik willfully twist and hide facts to prove their voodoo endangerment theory. They won’t tell their mesmerized audience lots of things fundamental to understanding migration statistics but are in the habit of making mountains out of moles to prove their concocted theory, which only implants hatred and intolerance in a world that is increasingly becoming global and connected where the borders of yesterday are either being viewed as too artificial or losing old meanings. It is no surprise, therefore, that half a million Indians are working inside Bangladesh today remitting nearly four billion US dollars to India. But such information won’t be shared by chauvinist guys that are in the business of selling poison pills to foment division and animosity between religious groups.

Ghosh believes that the West Bengal government – CPI (M) and TMC alike – has been in the habit of appeasing Muslims. Forgotten there is the mere fact that Muslim share in government jobs is below 4% statewide in spite of Muslims comprising more than a quarter of West Bengal state’s population. Is that appeasement or discrimination? Hateful provocateurs like Ghosh usually have tunnel vision when it comes to the ‘other’ people!

In 2005, the Indian government appointed the Sachar Commission to investigate whether Muslims were disadvantaged in social, economic and educational terms. The commission concluded in 2006 that the socio-economic condition of most Muslims was as bad as that of the Dalits, who are at the bottom rung of the Hindu-caste hierarchy, also referred to as the "untouchables." It found that the overall percentage of Muslims in bureaucracy in India was just 2.5% whereas Muslims constituted above 14% of Indian population; Muslims who should have qualified for affirmative action were not getting it, even though they were living in greater poverty than some groups that were getting the benefit. Though heavily urban, Muslims had a particularly low share of public (or any formal) jobs, school and university places, and seats in politics. They earned less than other groups, were more excluded from banks and other finance, spent fewer years in school and had lower literacy rates. Very few were admitted in the armed and police forces.

Nearly eight years have passed since the report was released. Has the condition of neglected Muslims improved in India? A 2013 study by an American think-tank, the US-India Policy Institute, assessing progress since the Sachar report, bluntly concluded that Muslims have “not shown any measurable improvement”. Even in education, Muslims’ gains were typically more modest than other groups’. Too many official efforts to direct help, for example by spending more on schools in Muslim districts, also failed; funds got stolen or diverted to non-Muslim recipients. Muslims continue to face daily discrimination. They have to hide their religious identity or pretend that they are Hindus for even a menial job.

As noted by social activist Prof. Ram Puniyani, soon after 2002 communal violence in western Gujarat state several Hindu organizations launched a propaganda campaign asking Hindus to boycott Muslims in all day-to-day dealings, much like what Wirathu and his 969 Fascist Movement are doing today in Myanmar.

Let Ghosh and his ilk compare the dismal job status of minority Muslims in ‘secular’ India against minority Hindus employed in the government sector of Bangladesh, which he calls an Islamic Republic. Hindus in Bangladesh represent less than 10% of the population and yet their share in the public sector is several fold their share in the population. Here below I share a short list (and by no means a comprehensive one) of top ranked Hindu bureaucrats working within the Bangladesh government (dated Nov. 2013).

বর্তমানে সচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)BARUN DEV MITRA
2)UJJWAL BIKASH DUTTA
3)RANJIT KUMAR BISWAS


বর্তমানে অতিরিক্ত সচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1) SWAPAN KUMAR SAHA
2) BHIM CHARAN ROY
3) JNANENDRA NATH BISWAS
4) SWAPAN KUMAR SARKER
5) SHYAMAL KANTI GHOSH
6) AMALENDU MUKHERJEE
7) PRANAB CHAKRABOTY
8) SITANGSHU SEN
9) PARIKSHIT DATTACHOUDHURY
10) DILEEP KUMAR DAS
11) SHYAMA PADA DEY
12) BIJON KUMAR BAISHYA
13) TAPOS KUMAR ROY
14) PROKASH CHANDRA DAS
15) ASIT KUMER MUKUT MONI
16) DILIP KUMAR BASAK, NDC
17) JAGODISH ROY
18) SUSHEN CHANDRA DAS
19) KAMAL KRISHNABHATTACHARYYA
20) SWAPAN KUMAR ROY
21) SWAPAN KUMAR SARKER
22) PABAN CHOWDHURY
23) TAPAN KUMAR KARMAKER
24) APARUP CHOWDHURY
25) ASHISH KUMAR SARKER
26) ASHOKE MADHAB ROY
27) TAPAN KUMAR CHAKRAVORTY
28) JISHNU ROY CHOUDHURY
29) NABHASH CHANDRA MANDAL
30) DR RAKHAL CHANDRABARMAN
31) MONOJ KUMAR ROY
32) AMITAVA CHAKRABORTY
33) RANJIT KUMARCHAKRABORTY
34) SHUBHASHISH BOSE


বর্তমানে যুগ্ম সচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)PARIMAL CHANDRA SAHA
2)RATAN KUMAR ROY
3)CHANDRA NATH BASAK
4)DILIP KUMAR SHARMA
5)RABINDRA NATH ROYCHOWDHURY
6)GANESH CHANDRA SARKER
7)SUKUMAR CHANDRA SAHA
8)PANNA LAL CHOWDHURY
9)JIBAN KUMAR CHOWDHURY
10)KOUSHALYA RANI BAGCHI
11)TAPAN CHANDRA MAZUMDER
12)MANOJ MOHAN MITRA(M.M.MITRA)
13)BINOY BHUSHAN TALUKDER
14)PARESH CHANDRA ROY
15)DR. ARUNA BISWAS
16)NIKHIL CHANDRA DAS
17)ANANTA KUMAR CHOWDHURY
18)NARAYAN CHANDRA BARMA
19)BIJAN KANTI SARKER
20)BIMAN KUMAR SAHA, NDC
21)BIJOY BHATTACHARJEE
22)JYOTIRMMOY SAMADDER
23)RABINDRA NATH SARMA
24)KAMALESH KUMAR DAS
25)BIKASH CHANDRA SAHA
26)BIKASH KISHORE DAS
27)PATIT PABON BAIDYA
28)ANANDA CHANDRA BISWAS
29)PROSANTA KUMAR ROY
30)AJIT KANTI DAS
31)MANIK CHANDRA DEY
32)KALI RANJAN BARMAN
33)RUPAN KANTI SEAL
34)GAUTAM KUMAR GHOSH
35)BASHU DEV ACHARJEE
36)MANOBENDRA BHOWMIK
37)GOPAL KRISHNA BHATTACHARYYA
38)BABUL CHANDRA ROY
39)PUNYA BRATA CHOUDHURY
40)SHANKAR CHANDRA BOSU
41)MALAYA TALUKDER
42)SUSHEN CHANDRA ROY
43)MRIDUL KANTI GHOSE
44)GOKUL CHAND DAS
45)SUBIR KISHORE CHOUDHURY
46)PARIMAL KUMAR DEV
47)BHABESH CHNDRA PODDER
48)SHIKHA SARKAR
49)MANINDRA NATH ROY
50)DHIRENDRA CHANDRA DAS
51)AMRITA BAROI
52)SHASHI KUMAR SINGHA
53)SUNIL CHANDRA PAL
54)ASHOKE KUMAR BISWAS
55)SUPRIYA KUMAR KUNDU
56)MANIK LAL BANIK
57)JYOTIRMAY DUTTA
58)NARAYAN CHANDRA DAS
59)BIMAL CHANDRA DAS
60)BHOLA NATH DEY
61)BASHUDEB GANGULY
62)ARUN KUMAR MALAKER
63)NIMAI CHANDRA PAUL
64)DR NOMITA HALDER
65)SUBHASH CHANDRA SARKER
66)MARAN KUMAR CHAKRABORTY
67)TAPAN KUMAR GHOSH
68)PRIYATOSH SAHA
69)GAURANGA CHANDRA MOHANTA
70)SUBRATA ROY MAITRA
71)PARITOSH CHANRA DAS
72)DIPAK KANTI PAUL
73)ARIJIT CHOWDHURY
74)BONAMALI BHOWMIK
75)UTTAM KUMAR MANDAL
76)DILIP KUMAR SAHA
77)ITI RANI PODDAR
78)SWAPAN CHANDRA PAUL
79)GOPA CHOUDHURY
80)AMIT KUMER BAUL
81)ASHOKE KUMAR BISWAS
82)SAYTA BRATA SAHA
83)BISHWANATH BANIK
84)PRANESH RANJAN SUTRADHAR
85)SHYAMA PRASAD BEPARI
86)SUSANTA KUMAR SAHA
87)GOUTAM KUMAR BHATTACHARRYA
88)RANJIT KUMAR SEN
89)HARIPRASAD PAUL
90)TAPAN CHANDRA BANIK
91)PARTHA PRATIM DEB
92)AVIJIT CHOWDHURY
93)SAURENDRA NATH CHAKRABHARTTY
94)SHANKAR RANJAN SAHA
95)DR ARDHENDU SHEKHAR ROY
96)SHANKAR PRASAD DEV
97)PRANAB KUMAR NEOGI
98)SANTOSH KUMAR ADHIKARI
99)RAMA RANI ROY
100)TANDRA SIKDER
101)SIMA SAHA
102)SMRITI RANI GHARAMI
103)PULAK RANJAN SAHA
104)TAPAN KUMAR SARKER
105)KONG KHAM NILMANI SINGHA
106)MINU SHILL
107)DHIRENDRA NATH SARKAR
108)ANJALI RANI CHAKRABORTY
109)PRANAY KANTI BISWAS
110)TARUN KANTI GHOSH
111)PROSANTA KUMAR DAS
112)MANOJ KANTI BARAL
113)SWAPAN KUMAR BARAL
114)BIJOY BHUSHAN PAUL
115) DIPAK CHAKRABORTY
116) NIKHIL RANJAN ROY
117) NANDA DULAL BANIK
118) SANJOY KUMAR CHOWDHURY
119) GOUTAM AICH SARKER
120) PRADIP RANJAN CHAKRABORTY
121) SHIB NATH ROY
122) NARAYAN CHANDRA DEBNATH
123) LAXMAN CHANDRA DEBNATH
124) JYOTI LAL KURI
125) JYOTIRMAY BARMAN
126) SUDHAKAR DATTA
127) REBA RANI SAHA
128) BIJAN LAL DEV
129) HIRANMAYA BARAI
130) DR. KRISHNAGAYEN
131) SUSHANTA KUMAR PRAMANIK


বর্তমানে উপসচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)UTTAM KUMAR ROY
2)BIPUL CHANDRA ROY
3)JAGADISH CHANDRA BISWAS
4)TAPAN KUMAR NATH
5)BIKASH CHANDRA SIKDER
6)DR. NALINE RANJON BASAK
7)JAYANTI SANYAL
8)TAPAN KANTI GHOSH
9)RAM CHANDRA DAS
10)PRONAB KUMAR GHOSH
11)RAMENDRA NATH BISWAS
12)KAMALA RANJAN DAS
13)RATAN CHANDRA PANDIT
14)NITAI PADA DAS
15)UTPAL KUMAR DAS
16)NIMAI CHAND BISWAS
17)AJIT KUMAR PAUL ACA
18)MAHADEV BISWAS
19)BIJAY KUMAR DEBNATH
20)SUPROKASH SANYAL
21)TAPASH KUMAR BASU
22)JAGANNATH DAS KHOKON
23)SHISHIR KUMAR ROY
24)NANDITA SARKAR
25)MOLOY KUMAR ROY
26)SWAPAN KUMAR GHOSH
27)KALLAL KUMAR CHAKRABORTTY
28)SHYAM KISHORE ROY
29)PROBIR KUMAR CHAKRABORTY
30)DILIP KUMAR BANIK
31)NANI GOPAL BISWAS
32)ANAL CHANDRA DAS
33)NISHCHINTA KUMAR PODDER
34)DULAL KRISHNA SAHA
35)SANAT KUMAR SAHA
36)MRINAL KANTI DEB
37) RANJIT CHANDRA SARKER
38)SATYENDRA KUMAR SARKAR
39)NITISH CHANDRA SARKAR
40)TULASHI RANJAN SAHA
41)SUBASH CHANDRA SAHA
42)MANINDRA KISHORE MAJUMDER
43)SUSHANTA KUMAR KUNDU
44)SATYAJIT KARMAKER
45)ASHOK KUMAR DEBNATH
46)SUBOL BOSE MONI
47)DR TARUN KANTI SIKDER
48)BISWAJIT BHATTACHARYA KHOKAN
49)SANJOY KUMAR BANIK
50)SATYA RANJAN MONDAL
51)BHUBAN CHANDRA BISWAS
52)RANJIT KUMER DAS
53)JAYANTA KUMER SIKDER
54)AMITAVH SARKER
55)PRANAB KUMAR GHOSE
56)MUKESH CHANDRA BISWAS
57)BIKARNA KUMAR GHOSH
58)ARUN CHANDRA MAHOTTAM
59)PRONAB KUMAR ROY
60)PALASH KANTI BALA
61)SUBRATA PAUL CHOWDHURY
62)DIPAK RANJAN ADHIKARY
63)SHASHANKA SHAKHOR BHOWMICK
64)ZANENDRA NATH SARKER
65)PRADIP KUMER DAS
66)GOUTOM KUMAR
67)SHIBANI BHATTACHARJEE
68)NITAI CHANDRA SEN
69)MALAY CHOUDHURY
70)SANJAY KUMAR BHOWMIK
71)RANAJIT KUMAR
72)KRISHNA KANTA BISWAS
73)TAPAN KUMAR SAHA
74)AMAL KRISHNA MANDAL
75)NIRANJAN DEBNATH
76)LIPIKA BHADRA
77)SULEKHA RANI BASU
78)BIDHAYAK ROY CHOWDHURY
79)DILIP KUMAR BANIK
80)MANOJ KUMAR ROY
81)PARIMAL SINGHA
82)SMRITI KARMAKER
83)REKHA RANI BALO
84)TAPAN KUMAR BISWAS
85)DR. SUBAS CHANDRA BISWAS
86)GULLAL SINGHA
87)GAUTAM CHANDRA PAL
88)TANMAYA DAS
89)BIJOY KRISHNA DEBNATH
90)PRADOSH KANTI DASH
91)MONORANJAN BISWAS
92)ASHIM KUMAR DEY
93)AJIT KUMAR DEBNATH
94)PIJUSH KANTI NATH
95)RATAN KUMAR SARKER
96)SUKUMAR CHANDRA KUNDU
97)ASHISH KUMAR SAHA
98)SHYAMOL CHANDRA KARMAKAR
99)AJIT KUMAR GHOSH
100)UTTAM KUMAR KARMAKER
101)CHAYAN KUMAR DAS
102)SUSANTA KUMAR SARKER
103)BALAI KRISHNA HAZRA
104)NIRANJAN KUMAR MONDAL
105)BRAZA GOPAL BHOWMICK
106)DR. ANIMA RANI NATH
107)SURATH KUMAR SARKER
108)SWAPAN KUMAR BHOWMICK
109)GITANJALI CHOWDHURY
110)PANKAJ KUMAR PAUL
111)NANI GOPAL MANDAL
112)SANTOSH KUMAR PANDIT
113)SHYAMAL KUMAR SINGHA
114)ASHIM KUMAR BALA
115)MAHESH CHANDRO ROY
116)GOURISANKAR BHATTACHARJEE
117)DIPANKAR MONDAL
118)AJAY KUMAR CHAKRABORTY
119)SUKESH KUMAR SARKER
120)SWAPAN KUMAR MANDOL
121)PRODIP KUMAR SAHA
122)BIJOY RANJAN SAHA
123)BHOLANATH PAUL
124)NRIPENDRA CHANDRA DEBNATH
125) SANJIB KUMAR DEB NATH


বর্তমানে সিনিয়র সহকারি সচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)KIRAN CHANDRA ROY
2) DEBASHISH ROY
3) APARNA DEY
4) SHAILENDRO NATH MANDAL
5) RAJIB BHATTACHARJEE
6) PRAKASH KANTI CHOWDHURY
7) NIROD CHANDRA MONDAL
DEPANKAR BISWAS
9) ANANDA KUMAR BISWAS
10) BIPUL CHANDRA BISWAS
11) PARIMAL SARKER
12) ANJON CHANDRA PAUL
13) BABY RANI KARMAKAR
14) RATHINDRA NATH DATTA
15) SONJOY CHAKRABORTY
16) SAROJ KUMAR NATH
17) PARITOSH HAJRA
18) SATYAKAM SEN
19) DEBOJIT SINGHA
20) GOPAL CHANDRA DAS
21) NILRATAN SARKER
22) KALA CHAND SINHA
23) PROTAP CHANDRA BISWAS
24) ATHIN KUMER KUNDU
25) DHANANJOY KUMAR DAS
26) DEVABRATA CHAKRABORTY
27) DABASISH NAG
28) ATUL SARKER
29) AVIJIT RAY
30) SUBRATA KUMAR SIKDER
31)APURBA KUMAR MONDAL
32)ARUN KUMAR MONDAL
33)UTTOM KUMAR MONDAL
34)SUJIT KUMAR RAY
35)PRIYASINDHU TALUKDER
36)ANUP KUMAR TALUKDER
37)SUBRATA KUMER DEY
38)HILLOL BISWAS
39)DEBAMOY DEWAN
40)MINAKSHI BARMAN
41)DEBPROSAD PAUL
42)BANANI BISWAS
43)SANJIB KUMAR DEBNATH
44)DULAL CHANDRA SUTRADHAR
45)KHOKAN KANTI SAHA
46)SRABASTI ROY
47)SUBRATA PAUL
48)SIDHARTHA SANKAR KUNDU
49)DEBI CHANDA
50)BADAL CHANDRA HALDER
51)MRINAL KANTI DEY
52)PANKAJ GHOSH
53)SONDIP KUMAR SINGHA


বর্তমানে সহকারি সচিবদের মধ্যে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)PALLAB KUMAR BANERJEE
2)GOPAL KRISHNA PALL
3)ARUN KANTI MAZUMDER
4)SUKANTA BHATTACHARJA
5)DR ASHOK KUMAR BISWAS
6)TAPAN KUMAR CHAKRABARTY
7)PATIT PABAN DEBNATH
8)UTTAM KUMAR PAUL
9)SUDHIR CHANDRA ROY
10)KANAI LAL SHIL
11)PARIMAL CHANDRA PAUL
12)PROTIVA RANI KUNDU
13)KALACHAND SARKER
14)DILIP KUMAR DEB NATH
15)PAPIA GHOSH
16)RINA RANI SAHA
17)ASHIM KUMAR KARMAKAR
18)SUDIPTA DAS
19)RAJEEB KUMAR SARKAR
20)APARNA BAIDYA
21)RAMENDRA NATH BISWAS
22)SANDWIP KUMAR SARKAR
23)RAJIB KUMAR ROY
24)MALLIKA DEY
25)JUTHIKA SARKER
26)SHILABARATA KARMAKAR
27)SUJAN CHOWDHURY
28)JHUMUR BALA
29)SHANKHAMALA
30)UTTAM KUMAR RAY
31)ANINDITA ROY
32)PRODIP SINGHA
33)DEBENDRA NATH URAON
34)PRASHANTA KUMAR DAS
35)MORARJEE DESHAI BARMAN
36)SHILPI RANI RAY
37)VASKAR BEBNATH BAPPY
38)BINITA RANI
39)ANNAPURNA DEBNATH
40)SUBARNA SARKAR
41)SUJIT HOWLADER
42)MOUSUMI SARKAR RAKHI
43)RUPALI MANDAL
44)SAMAR KANTI BASAK
45)AMITAV PORAG TALUKDER
46)PINTU BEPARI
47)UJJAL KUMAR GHOSH
48)NAMITA DEY
49)DIPANKAR ROY
50)GORANGO KUMAR CHOUDHURY
51)DIPOK KUMAR ROY
52)KAMOL KUMAR GHOSH
53)DIPAK KUMAR ROY
54)PRASUN KUMAR CHAKRABORTY
55)TUSHAR KUMAR PAUL
56)BISHWAGITH KUMER PAUL
57)PROVANGSHU SHOME MOHAN
58)ANIRBAN NEOGI
59)MINTU CHOWDHURY
60)TANMOY MAJUMDER
61)BITHI DEBNATH
62)SHILU ROY
63)SHAMPA KUNDU
64)MUKUL KUMAR MAITRA
65)SANKAR KUMAR BISWAS
66)ASIM CHANDRA BANIK
67)BIJEN BANARJEE
68)CHITRA SHIKARI
69)SHIMUL KUMAR SAHA
70)ZUTON CHANDA
71)SNAHASISH DAS
72)LINCOLN BISWAS
73)MILTON CHANDRA ROY
74)NIRJHAR ADHIKARY
75)AMIT DEB NATH
76)SASWATI SEAL
77)PURNENDU DEB
78)ANJAN KUMAR SARKER
79)SAMIR BISWAS
80)PURABI GOLDER
81)PRANATI BISWAS
82)BIBHISAN KANTI DAS
83)PULOK KANTY CHAKRA BORTY
84)RUMI CHAKRABORTY
85)BIKASH BISWAS
86)JITENDRA KUMAR NATH
87)JOYANTI RUPA ROY
88)SATARUPA TALUKDER
89)RAMKRISHNA BARMAN
90)KALYAN CHOWDHURY
91)DEBANGSU KUMAR SINHA
92)SEJUTY DHAR
93)MOUSHUMI BAIN HIRA
94)TINA PAUL
95)SATYAJIT ROY DAS
96)SUJIT DEBNATH


অতিরিক্ত বিভাগীয় কমিশনার পদে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)SAURENDRA NATH CHAKRABHARTTY
2)ASHOKE KUMAR BISWAS
3)SWAPAN KUMAR ROY
4) NARAYAN CHANDRA BARMA


উপবিভাগীয় কমিশননার পদে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)AMITAVH SARKER
2)RAM CHANDRA DAS
3)MANOJ KANTI BARAL
4)MUKESH CHANDRA BISWAS
5) MANINDRA KISHORE MAJUMDER


অতিরিক্ত উপবিভাগীয় কমিশনার পদে হিন্দু:
1)DR. SUBAS CHANDRA BISWAS
2)BIPUL CHANDRA BISWAS
3)GOPAL CHANDRA DAS
5)ANJON CHANDRA PAUL
6)DEPANKAR BISWAS
7)KALA CHAND SINHA
8)ANANDA KUMAR BISWAS
9)PROTAP CHANDRA BISWAS
10)PRAKASH KANTI CHOWDHURY
11) DEBOJIT SINGHA


উপজেলা নির্বাহি অফিসার পদে হিন্দু তালিকা:
1)DEBPROSAD PAUL
2)AVIJIT RAY
3)UTTOM KUMAR MONDAL
4)SUBRATA KUMER DEY
5)PRIYASINDHU TALUKDER
6)SUBRATA KUMAR SIKDER
7)SUBRATA PAUL
8)ARUN KUMAR MONDAL
9)DULAL CHANDRA SUTRADHAR
10)BANANI BISWAS
11)DEBI CHANDA
12)MRINAL KANTI DEY
13)SIDHARTHA SANKAR KUNDU
14)PANKAJ GHOSH

[প্রশাসনের তালিকার সর্বশেষ আপডেট ৫ই নভেম্বর, ২০১৩]

 

It is sheer falsehood that Bimal Pramanik and Tapan Kumar Ghosh are trying to sell to create hatred and intolerance against Muslims. As brain-children of Goebbels and followers of Hindutvadi fascist theology they know too well that if falsehood is oft repeated it achieves the veneer of truth and some are sure to swallow it. They are counting on it, and it is for conscientious people on all sides to challenge them and defeat their heinous design to divide us into hateful camps. Surely, falsehood is ever weak and bound to be defeated.