Message from Maung Zarni
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has lodged a criminal complaint
in Sweden against the Nobel Foundation following the award of the Peace Prize
to Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado.
Comment
from Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire:
“I
fully support this great action of Julian Assange which speaks truth to power.
Indeed Alfred Nobel’s will is NOT for warmaking but peacemaking and the Nobel
Committee is actually acting illegally by ignoring Nobel’s wishes”.
Read
the full text of the 17-Dec-dated press release.
=============================
Watch Mairead Maguire's interview on FORSEA two
Christmases ago, where she talked specifically about visiting Julian Assange in
the Ecuadorian Embassy where he was holed up because the British State
was collaborating with its American Masters in the persecution of the
Australian activist who exposed the US war crimes in West Asia.
Most of the liberal and "progressive" media
outlets and journalists who milked Assange's expose - including The Guardian
and the New York Times - abandoned him. I have "leftist"
English journalist "friends" who trashed Assange and his life-risking
exposes as "endangering the lives of Western agents". They care
more more deeply about White Lives, whether they are agents of mass-murderous
Western states or holiday-makers - than Brown or Black Lives.
The other items below concern how Israeli leaders sought to
deceive the world with their false flag operations.
One thing that we need to constantly bear in mind is
this: from Hitler's Nazis and Myanmar's "Buddhist" Fascists,
the genocidal regimes engage in two things: 1) BIG DECEPTIONS/LIES
and DESTRUCTION of targeted populations.
Washington, democratic or republican, has increasingly
displayed similar Fascist characteristics in policies, deeds and
propaganda. Ditto on most pro-Israel Western states and
regimes. Their states may have fought the Nazis - out of self-interests -
but they certainly are in sync with the "Jewish" Fascist
Israel. Imperialism and Fascism differ in degrees, but not in
kind: they exist in a continuum.
Zarni
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The
Israeli intelligence network is known for its precision and secrecy. However,
the Jewish nation experienced a major intelligence blunder in 1954, when Israel
tried to fake attacks on British and American citizens and information and
diplomatic centres in Egypt. Israel plan was to make it look like Egyptians had
carried out the attacks. The motive behind this ill-conceived plan was to
thwart the increasing possibility of British withdrawal from the Suez Canal as
Gamal Abdel Nasser took reins of the government in Egypt.
Often
described as Israel's worst intelligence failure, Operation Suzanna also
unfolded amid power struggles between the then prime minister Moshe Sharett and
defence minister Pinhas Lavon. As Moshe struggled to assert his control over
Lavon, ambitious officials Moshe Dayan and Shimon Peres sought the previous PM
Ben-Gurion's guidance, bypassing Moshe.
Read the full text here: https://www.timesnownews.com/world/middle-east/israel-operation-suzanna-egypt-mossad-1954-intelligence-disaster-that-backfired-spectacularly-article-113462199
=======================================================
Operation Susanna: The Only False Flag Operation Israel Has
Been Forced to Admit
- Palestinian Historiographical Research
1. Introduction
In contemporary debates on the military and intelligence
conduct of the State of Israel, accusations of covert operations, sabotage, and
deception are often dismissed by its defenders as mere political propaganda or
conspiracy theories. However, the documented history of Israeli intelligence
services shows that such practices not only existed, but in at least one case
reached such a level of evidence that the State itself was forced to officially
acknowledge them. That case is the so-called Operation Susanna, also known as
the Lavon Affair.
Far from being a retrospective accusation constructed from
late leaks or hostile interpretations, Operation Susanna constitutes a
historically verifiable episode in which Israeli agents carried out covert
attacks against civilian and diplomatic targets in third countries to
manipulate the regional geopolitical environment. Its historical significance
lies not only in the nature of the operation but also in the exceptional fact
that Israel ended up admitting its existence after years of denial and cover-up
(Segev, 2019; Shlaim, 2000).
2. Operation Susanna: The Facts
Operation Susanna took place in Egypt in 1954, in a context
marked by the progressive British withdrawal from the Suez Canal and by the
attempts of the Egyptian government under Gamal Abdel Nasser to consolidate
relations with Western powers. The central objective of the operation was to
sabotage these relations through attacks that could be attributed to Egyptian
nationalist or local communist groups, thereby generating distrust between
Egypt, the United States, and the United Kingdom (Morris, 2001).
For this purpose, Israeli military intelligence (Unit 131)
recruited members of the Egyptian Jewish community, who placed low-power
incendiary bombs in libraries, post offices, cinemas, and other civilian
targets linked to Western interests in Cairo and Alexandria. The explicit
intention was not to cause mass casualties, but to create an atmosphere of
political instability and appear to pose an internal threat to foreign
interests (Segev, 2019).
The operation failed spectacularly when one of the devices
exploded prematurely in an agent's pocket, leading to the arrest of those
involved and the complete dismantling of the clandestine network.
3. Operational Failure and the Sacrificed Agents
After the operation was discovered, Egyptian authorities
arrested the network members. Two of them, Moshe Marzouk and Shmuel Azar, were
executed by hanging after a public trial, while others received long prison
sentences. Israel, at the time, categorically denied any connection with the
detainees, leaving them abandoned without diplomatic support or official
recognition (Shlaim, 2000).
For decades, the executed and imprisoned agents were
practically erased from Israel’s official narrative. The State not only avoided
acknowledging the operation but allowed the direct perpetrators to bear all
legal and personal consequences of an action ordered from Tel Aviv. Only in
2005, under accumulated historical pressure, did Israel posthumously
rehabilitate the agents, implicitly acknowledging the operation in official
ceremonies (Segev, 2019).
4. Cover-Up and Domestic Political Crisis
The discovery of Operation Susanna triggered one of the most
serious internal political crises in the early history of the State of Israel.
The dispute revolved around political responsibility for the operation,
particularly between the then Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon and key figures in
the military and political establishment, including David Ben-Gurion.
For years, the Israeli government maintained contradictory
versions, denying the operation or attributing it to unauthorized decisions.
Internal commissions, inconclusive investigations, and power struggles marked
the so-called Lavon Affair, which had lasting effects on Israeli politics and
revealed an institutional culture of cover-up regarding intelligence operations
(Morris, 2001; Shlaim, 2000).
5. Israel’s Forced Admission
Unlike other controversial episodes, Operation Susanna
reached a point where the accumulation of evidence, internal testimonies, and
political consequences made official denial unsustainable. Over time, Israel
ended up acknowledging the operation, although without fully assuming political
or moral responsibility at the time it occurred.
The admission was neither immediate nor transparent, but
gradual and fragmentary, forced by irrefutable evidence. The official
recognition—including the rehabilitation of the agents involved—makes Operation
Susanna a unique case: the only false flag operation in which the State of
Israel has been forced to admit its participation (Segev, 2019).
This precedent is crucial for historical analysis, as it
demonstrates that official denial alone does not constitute proof of
nonexistence, and that only exceptional circumstances have led Israel to
publicly recognize such operations.
6. Other Operations with Abundant Historical Evidence of
Covert Actions Not Officially Admitted by Israel
6.1. Attacks on the Jewish Community in Baghdad (1950–1951)
Between 1950 and 1951, several bomb attacks targeted
synagogues, cafes, and spaces frequented by Jews in Baghdad, in a context
marked by the imminent mass emigration of the Iraqi Jewish community to Israel.
Various historians have documented the existence of clandestine Zionist
networks active in Iraq during this period and have pointed out serious
inconsistencies in attributing the attacks exclusively to local anti-Jewish
actors (Shiblak, 1986; Shlaim, 2000). These attacks directly contributed to
creating a climate of fear that accelerated the exodus, benefiting the
strategic interests of the nascent Israeli state (Shenhav, 2002). Although
there is no official admission or conclusive documentation closing the debate,
the episode remains a subject of serious academic discussion.
6.2. Covert Operations and Provocations in Lebanon
(1970s–1980s)
During the 1970s and 1980s, Israel carried out numerous
covert operations in Lebanese territory, including sabotage, targeted attacks,
and actions aimed at destabilizing the internal political balance.
Investigations based on testimonies from former Israeli agents and partially
declassified documentation have shown that several of these operations were
initially denied and only recognized in a fragmentary or indirect manner later
(Bergman, 2018). This consistent pattern of official denial followed by late revelations
persists without the Israeli state publicly assuming political responsibility
for these actions.
6.3. The Attack on the USS Liberty (1967)
On June 8, 1967, during the Six-Day War, Israeli forces
attacked the American ship USS Liberty, causing the deaths of 34 crew members
and dozens of injuries. Although official investigations by the United States
and Israel concluded it was a case of misidentification, numerous survivors,
military analysts, and independent investigations have pointed out significant
contradictions in the official reports and the existence of subsequent
political-diplomatic cover-ups (Bamford, 2001). The persistence of these discrepancies
has prevented definitive historical clarification.
7. Conclusion
Operation Susanna is relevant not only for being a false
flag operation but because it constitutes a historical exception: the only case
in which the State of Israel was forced to publicly admit a covert operation
aimed at deceiving third parties through acts of sabotage. The recognition was
neither voluntary nor immediate, but the result of operational failure,
executions, an internal political crisis, and an accumulation of evidence that
could no longer be denied (Segev, 2019; Shlaim, 2000). Precisely for this
reason, Susanna serves as an empirical precedent that invalidates the thesis
that accusations of state deception against Israel are, by definition,
implausible.
Viewed from a historical perspective, this case allows the
identification of a persistent behavioral pattern: absolute initial denial,
institutional cover-up, delegitimization of accusations, and, in exceptional
cases, partial or late admissions. This pattern has been documented by Israeli
and foreign historians in relation to military and intelligence operations
carried out by the State of Israel since its founding (Morris, 2001; Shlaim,
2000; Bergman, 2018).
This pattern is not only a thing of the past. As of December
2025, major international human rights organizations—including Israeli
organizations—explicitly accuse Israel of committing genocide in the Gaza
Strip, according to the technical definition established by the Convention on
the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Amnesty International,
2024, 2025; Human Rights Watch, 2025). These accusations have been presented
before international judicial bodies and are currently pending, with no definitive
ruling yet (International Court of Justice, 2025).
Similarly, investigations by independent international media
have documented repeated patterns of bombing on civilian residential areas,
particularly at night, with systematic destruction of entire family homes and a
high number of non-combatant casualties, corroborated through data analysis,
direct testimonies, and on-site forensic verification.
In this sense, Operation Susanna should not be understood as
a historical anomaly but as a warning. It demonstrates that the State of Israel
has resorted to deception operations, systematically denied them, and only
acknowledged responsibility when evidence made denial unsustainable. History
shows that official denial does not constitute proof of nonexistence, and that
rigorous documentation of events—yesterday as today—is essential to break
persistent cycles of state cover-up.
References
Amnesty International. (2024). “You feel like you are
subhuman”: Israel’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.
Amnesty International. (2025). Israeli and international
human rights organisations conclude Israel is committing genocide against
Palestinians in Gaza.
Bamford, J. (2001). Body of secrets: Anatomy of the
ultra-secret National Security Agency. Anchor Books.
Bergman, R. (2018). Rise and kill first: The secret history
of Israel’s targeted assassinations. Random House.
Human Rights Watch. (2025). World report 2025:
Israel/Palestine.
International Court of Justice. (2025). Application of the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the
Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel).
Morris, B. (2001). Righteous victims: A history of the
Zionist-Arab conflict, 1881–2001. Vintage Books.
Segev, T. (2019). A state at any cost: The life of David
Ben-Gurion. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Shenhav, Y. (2002). The Arab Jews: A postcolonial reading of
nationalism, religion, and ethnicity. Stanford University Press.
Shiblak, A. (1986). The lure of Zion: The case of the Iraqi
Jews. Al Saqi Books.
Shlaim, A. (2000). The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab world.
Penguin Books.

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