Monday, August 24, 2026

India used pellets, grenades on Gen Z protests: What Amnesty report reveals

 New Delhi, India – An investigation by human rights group Amnesty International has confirmed that Indian government forces used lethal weapons, including pellet-firing shotguns, grenades, batons and electric shock devices against demonstrators in Gen Z protests that rocked the national capital last month.

On July 20, thousands of protesters had all but shut down New Delhi, blocking off Parliament Street, demanding the resignation of then-Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan following a string of examination scandals involving the leaking of national exam papers and other irregularities.

To read more, click here: India used pellets, grenades on Gen Z protests: What Amnesty report reveals | Explainer | Al Jazeera

Why So Many Countries Around the World Quietly Root for Iran by Trita Parsi

 Why So Many Countries Around the World Quietly Root for Iran - Antiwar.com

Israeli Forces Kill 3 Palestinians in Gaza, 1 in the West Bank by Kyle Anzalone

 Click here to read more: Israeli Forces Kill 3 Palestinians in Gaza, 1 in the West Bank - News From Antiwar.com

The Drug trafficking is the Main Income Source of Arakan Army(AA/ULA)

 Myanmar rebel groups, including the Arakan Army (AA), which controls large parts of Rakhine, are increasingly using yaba and crystal meth to make partial payment for smuggled Bangladeshi goods, according to officials and sources familiar with the trafficking network.

The exchange takes place through maritime routes across the Bay of Bengal, where fishing boats carry Bangladeshi goods to Myanmar and return with narcotics, they said.

Click here to read more: https://www.facebook.com/reel/929858410167118

Terrorists Or Victims? Myanmar’s Latest Label Won’t Erase The Truth

 Feels like we, the people all over the world, live in a fool’s paradise after seeing the press statement of the Myanmar Foreign Ministry, which has reportedly labelled 4,241 Rohingya living in Bangladesh camps as “terrorists”. The claim is being presented as a statement of fact. It is not. It’s a propaganda weapon, and as Bangladeshis who have watched this crisis unfold since 2017, we see it for what it is: an attempt to criminalize an entire persecuted community and erase the truth of Myanmar’s atrocities. The timing is telling. Bangladesh has repeatedly asked Myanmar to take back its populations under the 2017 bilateral repatriation agreement. Every bilateral meeting has stalled not because Bangladesh refused, but because Myanmar has delayed and refused to create the conditions for a safe, dignified, voluntary return. Now, instead of engaging with repatriation, Myanmar is issuing a new smear list. This is not diplomacy; it is deflection. 

To read more, click here: https://www.eurasiareview.com/24082026-terrorists-or-victims-myanmars-latest-label-wont-erase-the-truth-oped/ 

Nine years on, the Rohingya are still waiting for justice

Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar

Geneva, 24 August Tomorrow marks nine years since the Myanmar security forces launched violent operations against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, resulting in widespread killings, sexual violence and destruction of homes and livelihoods. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya were forced to flee to Bangladesh and other neighbouring countries. Nine years later they remain forcibly displaced, unable to safely return to their homes.   

To date, no one has been arrested or held accountable for these crimes. While they still carry the trauma of what they endured in 2017, many Rohingya say that these are their darkest days. They want to return home, but they would be returning to a warzone – their communities devastated by years of violence, displacement, discrimination and insecurity. Those who remain in Myanmar continue to face serious threats to their safety including sexual and gender-based violence and unlawful killings, forcing many to risk perilous sea journeys to escape. 

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is investigating past and current atrocities against the Rohingya to help ensure that these crimes do not go unpunished. We have collected and analysed a vast amount of evidence and interviewed hundreds of survivors, eyewitnesses, and people with insider knowledge to identify those that bear the greatest responsibility for these crimes. We are not only looking at members of the Myanmar security forces but also the Arakan Army, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and other armed groups. We are also investigating individuals and entities who may bear criminal responsibility, including politicians, religious figures and corporate actors who may have helped plan, incite or profit from these crimes.   

Earlier this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) held public hearings in the case concerning whether Myanmar failed to meet its obligations under the Genocide Convention to prevent and punish genocide against the Rohingya. The Mechanism provided the parties to the case with significant evidence and analysis relating to the events of 2017. The Court’s decision will be an important development in efforts to address Myanmar’s responsibility for crimes committed against the Rohingya. 

The Mechanism has also shared evidence and analysis with the authorities involved in cases concerning the Rohingya before the International Criminal Court (ICC), and in Argentina and other jurisdictions. This includes information that identifies units of the Myanmar security forces, corporations and others involved in destroying and repurposing Rohingya land in ways that sought to erase their presence. 

For survivors, nine years is far too long to wait for justice. The crimes committed in 2017, and the suffering Rohingya continue to endure today, underscore the urgency of accountability. The Mechanism remains committed to helping to bring those most responsible to justice.  

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing analysis that can be used by authorities to prosecute individuals in national, regional and international courts.

How great-power rivalry is reshaping regional security by Md Minhazul Islam

 The Rohingya crisis is no longer simply a humanitarian tragedy confined to the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. It is increasingly becoming a strategic fault line in the Bay of Bengal, where the interests of China, India, the United States and other regional actors intersect. What began as a mass displacement crisis following Myanmar’s military crackdown has evolved into a complex geopolitical challenge involving border security, maritime interests, regional connectivity, great-power competition and the future of the Indo-Pacific order.

This transformation creates a complex strategic dilemma for Bangladesh. The longer the crisis remains unresolved, the greater the risk that the Rohingya issue will become embedded in the broader strategic competition unfolding across the Bay of Bengal.

The geography explains why the Rohingya crisis matters in the region of the Bay of Bengal, which connects South Asia with Southeast Asia, creating an intersection of major sea lanes, energy routes and emerging connectivity corridors. Its strategic significance has intensified the competition between China and the United States and also India’s views on its maritime security.

As Myanmar occupies a particularly important position in this equation, it provides China with access to the Indian Ocean through the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, reducing Beijing’s dependence on the Malacca Strait. So, the Rohingya crisis therefore sits within a much larger strategic landscape, with the Bangladesh-Myanmar-China economic corridor proposal that will create strategic complexity in the Bay of Bengal Region.

From humanitarian crisis to security challenge

Bangladesh has repeatedly emphasised that the Rohingya issue must be resolved through the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable repatriation of the refugees to Myanmar. The prolonged displacement has created substantial economic, social and security pressures for Bangladesh. Refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar remain vulnerable to criminal networks, trafficking, armed-group activity and radicalisation. The situation becomes even more complicated as fighting inside Myanmar intensifies, and the authority of the central government over Rakhine State becomes increasingly uncertain.

The emergence of the Arakan Army as a powerful actor in Rakhine has changed the strategic environment of the region. Any future repatriation process will have to account not only for the Myanmar military and civilian authorities but also for non-state actors controlling territory on the ground in Arakan. As a result, the Rohingya crisis can no longer be addressed exclusively through conventional bilateral diplomacy between Dhaka and Naypyidaw.

Great-power rivalry complicates the search for a solution

China maintains close relations with Myanmar and has repeatedly expressed support for resolving the Rohingya issue through bilateral negotiations between Bangladesh and Myanmar. China’s economic and strategic interests in Myanmar give it considerable leverage, but its priority is likely to remain stability and the protection of its strategic investments. Therefore, China’s role presents both an opportunity and a limitation for Bangladesh. Beijing has the capacity to influence Myanmar, but its strategic calculus is not identical to Dhaka’s humanitarian and security priorities.

Similarly, India has strong security interests in Myanmar because of its northeastern states and its broader Act East policy. Its approach towards Myanmar is consequently influenced not only by the Rohingya question but also by border security, insurgency and China’s growing footprint.

Meanwhile, the United States has focused on human rights, accountability and humanitarian assistance in responding to the Rohingya refugee crisis. Washington’s strategic interest in the wider Indo-Pacific gives the Bay of Bengal greater importance in American regional calculations. Yet American pressure on Myanmar alone has not produced a sustainable political settlement.

All of these create a strained reality for Bangladesh: the major powers have influence over the crisis, but none has sufficient interest or sufficient leverage to resolve it alone.

Bangladesh must avoid becoming a theatre of rivalry

For Bangladesh, the strategic danger is not the great powers’ competition over the Bay of Bengal; rather, Dhaka itself could become caught between competing strategic agendas.

Bangladesh has traditionally pursued a pragmatic foreign policy based on friendship to all and malice towards none. Though the approach remains valuable, the changing strategic environment requires a more sophisticated form of strategic balancing.

Dhaka should resist pressure to align itself exclusively with any one major power. Instead, it should take issue-based partnerships: humanitarian cooperation with Western partners, economic and connectivity cooperation with China, security and border cooperation with India and diplomatic engagement with ASEAN and other regional actors. It allows Bangladesh to maximise its strategic autonomy as well as make the Rohingya issue internationally visible.

The Bay of Bengal is becoming increasingly contested in strategic terms. As instability continues in Myanmar, Bangladesh needs to strengthen its own maritime and border-security capabilities.

Repatriation must remain the strategic objective

Bangladesh cannot afford this crisis for long. Bangladesh’s resources are finite, while international attention can decline as other global crises emerge. The humanitarian response may have to continue for years, but permanent refugee settlement should not become an implicit substitute for repatriation.

The international community must therefore move from humanitarian management towards political resolution, that is, repatriation with peace and stability. It needs to require addressing the root causes of displacement, guaranteeing the rights and security of returning Rohingya, establishing credible monitoring mechanisms and creating conditions under which return is genuinely voluntary and sustainable.

A new strategic framework for Bangladesh

The Rohingya crisis substantiates why Bangladesh’s foreign and security policies can no longer be separated into humanitarian, diplomatic and strategic categories; rather, they need a comprehensive strategy built around four priorities.

Diplomatic diversification: Bangladesh should maintain simultaneous engagement with China, India, the United States and other relevant actors like Japan, the European Union and ASEAN rather than allowing the crisis to become dependent on a single external power.

Stronger regional diplomacy: Bangladesh should make the Rohingya issue a central component of its engagement with ASEAN and BIMSTEC, transforming it from a bilateral dispute into a broader regional security concern.

Enhanced border and maritime security: Bangladesh must prepare for prolonged instability in Rakhine State, including possible refugee inflows, trafficking, arms smuggling and cross-border violence.

Sustained internationalisation of the repatriation agenda: Dhaka should continue to insist that the ultimate solution is not indefinite humanitarian assistance but safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return.

The Bay of Bengal’s future is tied to Rakhine

The Rohingya crisis is essentially a question of whether regional diplomacy can resist a humanitarian crisis from turning into a permanent security crisis. As Myanmar remains unstable, Rakhine State may become a more and more conflicted area where military forces from Myanmar and other ethnic armed groups might clash, as well as with neighbouring states and external actors. This would have ramifications that would extend beyond the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar.

At the same time, the Bay of Bengal is gradually gaining significance as a part of the new Indo-Pacific order. The area is becoming more geopolitically relevant due to ports, connectivity corridors, maritime routes and security collaborations. In this context, the instability in Rakhine may not be considered simply a domestic issue of Myanmar.

The answer for Bangladesh should not be confrontation and alignment. It’s supposed to be strategic autonomy with credible national capability. The lesson is clear that Bangladesh has no ability to influence or manage the competition between the great powers, but it can influence and manage how that competition impacts it. The Rohingya crisis should not be regarded as a humanitarian issue but also as a key component of the national security and foreign policy agenda. The real challenge for Bangladesh is to make sure that the Bay of Bengal is not another battleground of the great powers, not a mere witness to a game of great-power competition on its shores.

The time has come to move beyond managing the consequences of the Rohingya crisis and towards shaping the regional conditions necessary for its resolution.

Md Minhazul Islam is a Research Assistant at the Foundation for Strategic and Development Studies (FSDS), a Dhaka-based strategic policy think-tank.

Sunday, August 23, 2026

The must watch video - THE INTERVIEW ISRAEL WANT TO BAN

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FyS5Xp80LzA

 

Norman Finkelstein & Jeremy Corbyn: THE INTERVIEW ISRAEL WANT TO BAN

 

In a powerful and deeply personal conversation, political scientist Dr. Norman Finkelstein sits down with MP and former UK Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn to analyse the ongoing crisis in Gaza, Western diplomatic inaction, and the media's framing of the conflict. From evaluating ICJ proceedings to dismantling mainstream media "gatekeeper" tactics, Finkelstein and Corbyn provide an unsparing critique of current geopolitical realities and explain why Gaza has become a defining moral touchstone for a new generation.

PM Tarique Rahman’s trip stalled: What it means for Bangladesh-India ties

 New Delhi, India – Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s first trip to India has been put on hold, highlighting the strained ties between the two South Asian neighbours since the July 2024 student-led uprising that forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country.

Since coming to power in February, Rahman – the son of Hasina’s archrival, the late Khaleda Zia – has aimed to improve ties with India. But a press conference conducted by Hasina, who lives in India in exile, has riled Bangladesh.

Click here to read more: PM Tarique Rahman’s trip stalled: What it means for Bangladesh-India ties | Sheikh Hasina | Al Jazeera

A video that Muslims may like to watch

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I8Nbtib-VvQ

 

Has the Muslim Mind Been Colonised by the West? | Dr Nazir Khan

 

The Thinking Muslim

 

Rohingya repatriation needs more than diplomacy

 Nine years ago, in the last week of August 2017, Bangladesh opened its border to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fleeing unimaginable violence and persecution. Within weeks, more than seven hundred thousand people had crossed over from Rakhine State. Cox’s Bazar, already one of the poorest districts in Bangladesh, became their refuge. Nine years later, the district continues to host them, alongside tens of thousands of children born in the camps since then.

To read more, click here: https://www.thedailystar.net/slow-reads/geopolitical-insights/news/rohingya-repatriation-needs-more-diplomacy-4254161 

Saturday, August 22, 2026

California lawmaker overcomes pro-Israel spending to win special election

 California state Senator Aisha Wahab has won a special election to fill the seat of former United States Congressman Eric Swalwell, overcoming a deluge of attack ads funded by pro-Israel groups in the final weeks of the race.

US media outlets projected on Thursday that Wahab, a progressive, had beaten her rival, moderate Democrat Melissa Hernandez.

She will now represent California’s 14th congressional district, which includes the southeastern part of the San Francisco Bay Area, for the remainder of Swalwell’s term, which ends in January.

“I will fight for this district that raised me,” Wahab said in a statement, adding that her victory shows that her district “cannot be bought”.

“From foster care to Congress, this journey shows the possibility of the American Dream.”

Wahab, a longtime supporter of economic and social justice issues in California’s state legislature, is set to become the first Afghan American member of the US Congress.

The special election was triggered when Swalwell resigned in April, following reports of alleged sexual assault, which he denied.

The race is the latest to test the influence of the pro-Israel lobby in the US, where support for the country has dropped precipitously amid its genocidal war on Gaza.

According to an Associated Press poll released in July, roughly a third of US adults believed Israel had committed genocide in Gaza, a position backed by United Nations experts and rights groups.

While foreign policy was not a main pillar of her campaign, Wahab has echoed those views during her time in politics.

Last year, she co-authored a state resolution denouncing the “horrific humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza” and calling for an end to the war.

At a candidate forum in April, Wahab also answered “yes” when asked whether she believed what was happening to the Palestinian people constituted a genocide.

Hernandez, by contrast, did not give a direct answer. She said that, while Israel had a right to defend itself, the destruction in Gaza had gone “too far”.

Wahab went on to win June’s primary for the special election by a wide margin, with more than 42 percent of the vote to Hernandez’s 17.

But the race tightened as the United Democracy Project, a super PAC affiliated with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), spent nearly $2.5m since early August to boost Hernandez, according to media reports.

The news outlet CNN reported that BOLD America, another group that receives funding from AIPAC, also spent $1.9m.

 

While pro-Israel groups have sought to shape elections through massive spending, such efforts have faced several high-profile setbacks across the country during the 2026 midterm election season.

Progressive candidates including Michigan Senate hopeful Abdul El-Sayed have overcome heavy spending from pro-Israel groups in the midterm primaries to advance to November’s general election.

Some of that spending, however, has gone to advertising that does not mention Israel or place the issue prominently.

One ad against Wahab, for instance, focused on misleading claims that she had weakened laws against the sex-trafficking of minors. Wahab released her own video, emphasising that she had made it “illegal and a felony to traffic or solicit minors, across the board”. She called the advertising “$5m of lies”.

uring her time in the state legislature, Wahab focused on issues such as housing affordability and authored a bill that would have banned caste-based discrimination. It was ultimately vetoed by California Governor Gavin Newsom.

Wahab will have a rematch against Hernandez in November, when both women will compete for the chance to represent California’s 14th district for a full two-year term.

“Congratulations Aisha Wahab on your decisive victory,” Ro Khanna, a progressive representative from California, said in response to Wahab’s win. “I look forward to working with you on Medicare for All, a living wage, and ending the war in Iran.”

My essay on the Rohingya Crisis - Habib Siddiqui

 Here are a couple of links to read it: 

A Crisis Wasted: Bangladesh’s Failure to Play Its Cards on the Rohingya Issue | Countercurrents

Rohingya Genocide And Bangladesh’s Missed Strategic Moment - OpEd - Eurasia Review

Staying the course is not an option in resolving the Rohingya crisis

August 25 marks the anniversary of the beginning of the largest influx of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar into Bangladesh. Amid the uncertainty clouding the prospect of repatriation, new arrivals continue while funding for the humanitarian response declines amid competing global crises. Ivo Freijsen, representative of the UN Refugee Agency, speaks with Porimol Palma of The Daily Star about what is needed to resolve the protracted crisis.

To read more, click here: https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/interviews/news/staying-the-course-not-option-resolving-the-rohingya-crisis-4253581 

‘They burned my child alive’: Survivors remember horrors of Myanmar nine years on by Julius Dennis

 Warning: This story contains content some readers may find distressing


The soldiers threw Rokeiya Begum’s baby into the fire.

“I was crying loudly for my child. As I was crying, they threatened to shoot me. They were pulling me to the village.”

It was August 30, 2017, and soldiers from the Myanmar military had set the village of Tula Toli alight.

Nine years later, Begum, a Rohingya refugee, tells her story from a worker’s cottage in Brisbane’s southern suburbs, where she has been living since arriving in Australia on a humanitarian visa in January.

image.png

Rokeiya Begum moved to Australia in March, nine years after the attack. DAN PELED

On that day in Tula Toli, down by the river, Begum said the soldiers picked the men and teenage boys and killed them – shooting them and stabbing them, some of them with long, pointed wooden farming tools called hossa flails.

“Then they would pull them away and make a pile of the dead bodies along the river. As far as I could see, I saw all the dead bodies,” Begum said.

The soldiers pushed the women towards the burning village, and ripped Begum’s child from her arms. “They burned my child alive,” she said.

Mohammed Sadek was 18 months old.

As she cried for her dying child, the soldiers pushed Begum and other women into a hut. Without going into further detail, she said the soldiers “did whatever they wanted to do”.

Then they set the hut on fire too.
image.png

Rohingya villages throughout Rakhine State were burned to the ground.
AP
The brutality was part of “clearing operations” conducted by Myanmar’s forces in the Rakhine State, on the nation’s western edge bordering 
Bangladesh.

The aim was to push the Rohingya – an ethnic Muslim minority in a largely Buddhist nation – out.

Conservative estimates say more than 7000 Rohingya were killed in the region in August 2017 alone, with more than 700,000 forced to flee.

As a result of the 2017 operations, and other violence dating back to 1982, more than a million Rohingya have crossed the wide and shallow Naf River into Bangladesh, where they now live in the largest refugee camps in the world.

It was in this river that Saddam Hossain found himself late one night at the height of the attacks.
Saddam Hossain was shot three times during an attack on his village.DAN PELED

Nine years later, Hossain sits on the couch in Begum’s house recounting his story.

Along with his wife Rashida Begum and their one-year-old daughter, he had been pushed into the water from an over-crowded boat while fleeing the violence.

Shot three times while trying to free his cattle in the village of Mash Fara, 70 kilometres south of Tula Toli, Hossain could not move himself through the water.

“My body had become white because I had lost a lot of blood,” Saddam said.

Rashida, who was heavily pregnant, was pulling at his body with all her might, but to no avail.

Crowded boats crossed the river. AP PHOTO/A.M. AHAD

In the dark, all they could see were a few lights twinkling across the water.

“I thought that those were boats, so I told my wife, suppose I am dead, and take the child and take care of yourself. Try to go towards the light,” he said.

He watched his wife and child wade away. When she came ashore, Rashida left a blanket to show where Saddam was.

She was then found by Bangladeshi border guards, who told her they would search for her husband in the morning.

It was a long night, but somehow, he survived.

In the morning, two border guards and two Rohingya men who had made it on boats went to look for him.

Rokeiya Begum and Saddam Hossain's villages

“From the water where I got stuck I could see them, they were looking for something,” Saddam said.

“They were looking for me, but they couldn’t see me, but I could see them. I became too weak, I was unable to move.”

Using all his strength, he lifted his arm into the air. They saw him and brought him ashore to Shah Porir Dwip, on the very southern tip of Bangladesh.

It was days before he reached a Médecins Sans Frontières-run hospital in the Kutupalong refugee camp, and a week before he received proper surgery in Chittagong, he said.

In 2026, Hossain lifts his sarong to show the bullet wounds, remembering how pus seeped from the old wound for years while he lived in the camp.

His left thigh is pulled in like a belly button holding back a gut. On his right hip, a scar marks where another bullet ripped straight through him.The Rohingya population, while small, has been growing in Australia.The Rohingya population, while small, has been growing in Australia. DAN PELED

Both Hossain and Begum are some of the lucky few who have made it out of the camps on humanitarian visas, landing in Australia this year, almost nine years after the attacks.

For Begum, who only arrived in Australia in March, it is hard to imagine life without those who didn’t make it out.

During the attack on Tula Toli she lost seven family members, including her mother and 10-year-old brother. Now 30, she was 21 at the time of the clearing operations.

After the soldiers set the hut she was in alight, she escaped through the back door.

As violence continued around the region, she walked to the Naf with a group of survivors and was ferried across in a rowboat.

Like Hossain, she was taken to a crowded MSF hospital, where, by chance, she met her surviving brother.Rokeiya Begum lost seven family members during the violence.Rokeiya Begum lost seven family members during the violence.DAN PELED

“My brother asked me: ‘Do you know where your husband is?’ I said: ‘No, maybe he was killed by the military.’

“He said: ‘No, he came to Bangladesh with me. He is here in the camp.’

“That’s how I came to learn about my husband after six days of separation.”

Now, their two daughters run around the worker’s cottage as she and Hossain recount their stories.

Mohammed Rofique, Begum’s husband, sits quietly, occasionally reminding her of a detail or taking one of the children into his arms.The family lived in the camp for eight years.The family lived in the camp for eight years. 

Robi Alam, the 26-year-old president of the Rohingya United Youth Network in Brisbane, said Rohingyas had recently been re-added to Australia’s humanitarian intake, leading to a surge in the community’s population.

Alam was born in the Nayapara refugee camp, next to Kutupalong, and was one few Rohingyas allowed in Australia on humanitarian visas in 2009 and 2010.

“Some of us are genuinely scared that our identity [and] our language are at stake,” he said.

“If we don’t do whatever we can within our capacity and whatever means we have, then no one will.”

Along with three other Rohingya groups, Alam and Rohingya United – a football team he helped establish in 2014 – have organised an event on Saturday in Logan, south of Brisbane, to commemorate the victims of the events in 2017.

Over the past 10 years, slightly more than 3000 Rohingya have been resettled in Australia.Robi Alam has advocated for his community in Brisbane since he was 14.Robi Alam has advocated for his community in Brisbane since he was 14. NIBIR KHAN

In the past two years, Alam said between 500 and 600 settled in Queensland – among them, Begum and Hossain, who will be at the event.

“The diaspora community is very grateful to Australia for that, but we must emphasise that there must be more done,” he said.

Since 2017, Myanmar has only become more volatile, with the military junta officially seizing power from elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a 2021 coup.

Australian lawyer and former Human Rights Commissioner Christopher Sidoti, who was part of a three-person team tasked by the UN to investigate whether the clearance operations constituted genocide, said between 500,000 and 600,000 Rohingya remain in the Rakhine State.

There have been reports of violence similar to that perpetrated by the military conducted by a local Buddhist militia known as the Arakan Army.Members of Myanmar’s Rohingya ethnic minority walk through rice fields after crossing the border into Bangladesh near Cox’s Bazar’s Teknaf area.Members of Myanmar’s Rohingya ethnic minority walk through rice fields after crossing the border into Bangladesh near Cox’s Bazar’s Teknaf area.AP

Sidoti said the Arakan army controls much of the state, and there was a burst of Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh in 2024 when fighting intensified.

“The Rohingya have always faced the problem of being the meat in the sandwich, with the military on one side and the Arakan Army on the other, and neither of them being very supportive or accommodating,” he said.

Sidoti’s work investigating the 2017 killings led to the Gambia accusing military leaders of genocide in the International Court of Justice, from which a ruling is expected later this year.

For Begum, the search for justice is something to hold on to.

“I have lost a lot of family members. I want to live a life like other normal people here in Australia, but I cannot do that. So having the legal proceedings, I feel good about that,” she said.

“In Bangladesh they call us Rohingya because we are Rohingya, but in Myanmar, our own homeland, we cannot introduce ourselves as Rohingya.

“They have made us stateless. We need justice for the crime they have committed.”

India used pellets, grenades on Gen Z protests: What Amnesty report reveals

  New Delhi, India – An investigation by human rights group Amnesty International has confirmed that Indian government forces used lethal w...