Tuesday, November 3, 2026

Amnesty International: Q&A: International Court of Justice Judgment in Myanmar Genocide Case

 

Questions and Answers: International Court of Justice Judgment in Myanmar Genocide Case

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  People watch the ICJ hearing at a restaurant in a Rohingya refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on January 23, 2020. © 2020 Allison Joyce/Getty Images

On November 19, 2026, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, the Netherlands, will deliver its judgment in the landmark case brought by Gambia against Myanmar for alleged violations of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). The judgment, which is final and without the possibility of appeal, will conclude the proceedings before the court in this case.

The following questions and answers address key issues regarding the case and upcoming judgment.

  1. What is this case about and why is it important? 
  2. What has happened in the case so far?  
  3. What is Gambia asking the court? 
  4. What are the main issues raised in the case?  
  5. How can the court’s judgments be enforced?  
  6. How has the situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar developed since Gambia filed its case before the ICJ?  
  7. What other accountability efforts are underway for alleged crimes by the Myanmar military?  
  8. How does Gambia’s case against Myanmar relate to other pending genocide cases at the ICJ?
  9. What is this case about and why is it important?

In August 2017, Myanmar security forces began a sweeping campaign of massacres, rape, and arson against the ethnic Rohingya in northern Rakhine State that forced more than 700,000 people to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.

 International Court of Justice Judgment in Myanmar Genocide Case Q&A

In November 2019, Gambia filed a case before the ICJ with the backing of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) alleging that Myanmar’s atrocities against the Rohingya constitute genocide and violate the Genocide Convention. This is not a criminal case against individuals, but a request for a legal determination of Myanmar’s state responsibility for genocide.

Gambia, which ratified the Genocide Convention in 1978, brought the case under article 9 of the convention, which allows for disputes between parties “relating to the responsibility of a State for genocide” and related acts to be submitted to the ICJ. This was the first time that a country without any direct connection to the alleged crimes used its membership in the Genocide Convention to bring a case before the ICJ.

The Myanmar military’s well-documented abuses against the Rohingya and other ethnic minority groups in Myanmar span decades, but until Gambia brought a case before the ICJ, the Myanmar military’s atrocities had been almost completely beyond the reach of accountability. The impunity the military has enjoyed for decades has enabled ongoing abuses. 

  1. What has happened in the case so far?

In December 2019, the ICJ held hearings on Gambia’s request for provisional measures to protect the thousands of Rohingya remaining in Myanmar from genocide. In January 2020, the court ordered Myanmar to prevent all genocidal acts against the Rohingya, to ensure that the military and other security forces did not commit acts of genocide, and to take steps to preserve evidence related to the case. 

The court also ordered Myanmar to report on its implementation and compliance with the provisional measures within four months, and every six months thereafter. Myanmar submitted 12 reports. The ICJ’s provisional measure orders are legally binding on the parties and are automatically sent to the United Nations Security Council in accordance with article 41(2) of the ICJ Statute. 

In its reports, Myanmar pointed to several measures it took to give effect to the provisional measures including: issuing three presidential directives regarding compliance with the Genocide Convention; preserving evidence and preventing hate speech; creating a body to investigate allegations of crimes; and establishing repatriation and humanitarian assistance measures. Gambia submitted observations on each of Myanmar’s reports, stating that they provide “no reason to conclude” that Myanmar complied with the ICJ’s orders. 

In February 2022, the ICJ held hearings on Myanmar’s preliminary objections to the case. In July 2022, the court issued a judgment rejecting all of Myanmar’s arguments against advancing the case. Specifically, the judges rejected Myanmar’s argument that Gambia lacked standing because it filed its application as a “proxy” for the OIC; confirmed the existence of a dispute between the parties; found that Myanmar’s reservation to article 8 of the Genocide Convention, stating that this provision not apply to it, did not preclude the admissibility of the case; and confirmed Gambia’s legal right to bring a claim under the Genocide Convention even though it is not directly affected by the alleged violations. 

In October 2020, Gambia submitted a memorial outlining its case, followed by Myanmar’s counter-memorial in August 2023, and Gambia’s reply in May 2024. 

In January 2026, the ICJ held hearings on the merits of the case. During the course of three weeks, legal representatives of Gambia and Myanmar took turns before ICJ judges to present arguments and evidence, including examining witnesses and an expert, in support of their contentions in the case.

The ICJ authorized 11 countries to intervene in the case, but they did not participate in the hearings on the merits. These countries—Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Maldives, Slovenia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Belgium, and Ireland—were permitted to intervene on limited issues relating to the construction of the Genocide Convention, to which they are parties, under article 63 of the ICJ statute. 

  1. What is Gambia asking the court?

Gambia asked the ICJ to declare that Myanmar breached several obligations under the Genocide Convention, including by committing genocide, conspiring to commit genocide, failing to take any steps to prevent genocide, and failing to bring to trial people suspected of genocide. It further asked the court to order Myanmar to cease all violations of the convention by enacting “specific genocide criminal legislation,” taking steps to put alleged perpetrators of genocide on trial before a competent tribunal, and suppressing any direct and public incitement to commit genocide.

Gambia also asked ICJ judges to order Myanmar to provide reparations, including by: allowing the safe and dignified return of those who have been forcibly displaced to their place of residency; returning or replacing property; facilitating the reunification of families; providing physical or mental rehabilitation; facilitating the search of disappeared victims; assisting in the recovery, identification, and reburial of victims killed in accordance with the Rohingya’s “cultural and religious practices;” ensuring the protection of the Rohingya against discrimination and persecution, “the right of the Rohingya to identify as such,” and their freedom of movement within Myanmar; and removing any restrictions on place of residence, employment or access to livelihoods. 

Alternatively, Gambia asked that Myanmar be ordered to provide compensation or “additional means of satisfaction” when reparations cannot be fully achievable by restitution.

Despite not being a direct victim of the alleged genocidal acts, Gambia argued that it is entitled under international law to demand reparations for Rohingya victims for breaches of the Genocide Convention; a legal proposition contested by Myanmar.

Gambia has also asked the court to order Myanmar to offer assurances and guarantees that it would not repeat the Genocide Convention violations, to find that Myanmar failed to comply with the provisional measures order of January 2020, and to order reparations for the related harm suffered by the Rohingya.

  1. What are the main issues raised in the case? 

The main issues raised by Gambia include:

  • Genocidal acts: Gambia alleges that genocidal acts under article 2 of the Genocide Convention took place in the context of Myanmar’s clearance operations in northern Rakhine State. These included: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group. To evidence the scale, systematic nature, and brutality of events during the merit hearings Gambia focused its presentation on emblematic attacks by the Myanmar military against three Rohingya villages: Min Gyi, Chut Pyin, and Maung Nu.
  • Genocidal intent: Gambia relies upon the ICJ’s own jurisprudence in previous genocide cases, as well as relevant case law of other international tribunals to contend that Myanmar acted with genocidal intent. It points to various indicators of genocidal intent, including the extreme brutality of attacks against the Rohingya, the Myanmar government’s tolerance for public rhetoric of hatred, and Myanmar’s failure to investigate gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Gambia asserts that the evidence and particular circumstances “convincingly demonstrate” the existence of genocidal intent, and that “the only inference that can reasonably be drawn from the facts” is that Myanmar acted with the intention to destroy the Rohingya group as such, in whole or in part. In doing so, it applies a test set out by the court in 2015, in the case brought by Croatia against Serbia, which allows for the inference of genocidal intent from a pattern of conduct for which it is “the only inference that could reasonably be drawn from the acts in question.”
  • Sexual and gender-based violence: Gambia asserts that sexual violence was an integral aspect of the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya, which included mass gang rapes, sexual assault, and genital mutilation. It argues that these acts of sexual violence not only amount to genocidal acts under the Genocide Convention, but they also are clear evidence of genocidal intent. Gambia states that the scale and nature of the Myanmar military’s acts of sexual violence against Rohingya women are strong indicators of their intent to destroy them in whole or in part.

The main issues raised by Myanmar include:

  • Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army: Myanmar contends that the 2016-2017 military operations were targeted counterterrorist operations, carried out in response to terrorist attacks against Myanmar’s forces by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a militant group. It alleges that its military forces responded to ARSA members and local villagers who joined or supported the group’s activities. Myanmar accuses Gambia of downplaying or dismissing the threat posed by ARSA, noting that its memorial barely contains references to ARSA, its members, or supporters.
  • Genocidal intent: Myanmar rejects Gambia’s claim that its counterterrorism operations were committed with genocidal intent. It contends that there is no direct evidence of genocidal intent in the case, and that Gambia failed to meet the ICJ’s test to infer such intent from a pattern of conduct. Myanmar also rejects Gambia’s reliance on “indicators” of genocidal intent, and asserts that none of them support an inference of such intent.  
  • Evidentiary value: Myanmar disputes the evidentiary value of material presented by Gambia, including from UN bodies, nongovernmental organizations, other countries, and the media. It contests the evidentiary value of the reports of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, which it asserts to be the centerpiece of Gambia’s case, and says that they should not be accorded weight by the court.
  1. How can the court’s judgments be enforced?

An ICJ judgment is legally binding on the parties to the case, under article 59 of the ICJ Statute and article 94(1) of the UN Charter. If one of the parties considers that the other has failed to comply with a judgment, it may turn to the UN Security Council, which can “make recommendations or decide upon measures to be taken to give effect to the judgment,” in accordance with UN Charter article 94(2). The UN Security Council has never acted upon this discretionary power. 

The UN General Assembly can galvanize political support for the enforcement of ICJ judgments by adopting resolutions calling for compliance. Individual countries can also influence compliance through their bilateral engagement with the relevant party.

  1. How has the situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar developed since Gambia filed its case before the ICJ?

In February 2021, following the November 2020 elections won by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, the then-commander-in-chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, led a military coup that overthrew the civilian government. More than five years later, Myanmar’s military junta continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity throughout the country. Min Aung Hlaing installed himself as president through fraudulent elections held in December 2025 and January 2026. 

In Rakhine State since late 2023, Rohingya civilians have been caught in the fighting between the junta and ethnic Arakan Army forces. Both parties have carried out grave abuses, including extrajudicial killings, widespread arson, and unlawful recruitment. The Myanmar military continues to commit war crimes against the Rohingya, and the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. The Arakan Army, which now controls most of Rakhine State, has tightened repression against Rohingya, including forced labor and arbitrary detention, and has committed grave violations of the laws of war amounting to war crimes.

  1. What other accountability efforts are underway for alleged crimes by the Myanmar military?

In addition to Gambia’s ICJ case against Myanmar, there are other ongoing efforts to bring individual alleged perpetrators in Myanmar to justice at both the international and domestic levels.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has been investigating certain crimes committed against the Rohingya since November 2019. At the time, ICC judges gave the ICC prosecutor authorization to open an investigation into certain crimes against humanity, notably the forced deportation in 2017 of more than 740,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh, an ICC member state. Although Myanmar is not an ICC member country, ICC judges previously confirmed that the court had jurisdiction because the crime of deportation was completed in an ICC member state. The judges also ruled that the prosecutor can investigate other crimes, including future crimes, if they are within the ICC’s jurisdiction and are sufficiently linked to the situation described in the prosecutor’s request, which focused on crimes committed during two waves of violence, in 2016 and 2017, in Rakhine State. 

In November 2024, the prosecutor requested ICC judges to issue an arrest warrant against Myanmar’s former Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing for his role in the alleged crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution of the Rohingya in 2017. ICC judges have yet to issue a public decision on the arrest warrant request.

Only the UN Security Council can refer all crimes in Myanmar to the ICC for investigation. An ICC referral remains critical to address the full scope of criminality in Rakhine State and across the country, where the military junta has committed escalating abuses. An ICC referral would also give the court jurisdiction to address alleged crimes by ethnic armed groups in Myanmar.

In November 2019, Rohingya and Latin American human rights organizations filed a criminal complaint in Argentina requesting an investigation of Myanmar’s top military and civilian leaders for alleged crimes committed in Rakhine State. The case was filed under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows states to investigate and prosecute those responsible for grave international crimes, regardless of where they were committed or the nationality of the suspects or their victims. In February 2025, a federal court in Argentina issued arrest warrants against 25 people, including Min Aung Hlaing. 

Additional universal jurisdiction claims related to alleged serious crimes committed by the Myanmar military have been filed by civil society organizations in other countries, including Indonesia, Timor Leste, Türkiye, the Philippines, and Denmark. Norwegian authorities opened an investigation against the telecommunications company Telenor on suspicion of having aided and abetted crimes against humanity by the Myanmar military.

  1. How does Gambia’s case against Myanmar relate to other pending genocide cases at the ICJ?

In addition to Gambia’s case against Myanmar, there are four other pending cases before the ICJ regarding alleged violations of the Genocide Convention:

  • Ukraine v. Russia: In February 2022, Ukraine filed a case before the ICJ against Russia alleging a dispute relating to the interpretation, application, and fulfillment of the Genocide Convention. Among the claims, Ukraine asked the court find that Russia “has falsely claimed that acts of genocide have occurred in the Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts of Ukraine” to justify military operations against Ukraine. In response to Ukraine’s allegations, Russia raised counterclaims, asking the ICJ to find that Ukraine had violated the Genocide Convention.
  • South Africa v. Israel: In December 2023, South Africa filed a case alleging that Israel violated the Genocide Convention by committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, and by failing to prevent it, including by not holding senior Israeli officials, and others, accountable for their direct and public incitement to genocide.
  • Nicaragua v. Germany: In March 2024, Nicaragua filed a case alleging that Germany violated several international obligations, including some arising from the Genocide Convention, by failing to prevent genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, and “by providing aid, including military equipment, to Israel that would be used in the commission of genocide.”
  • Democratic Republic of Congo v. Rwanda: In June 2026, the Democratic Republic of Congo filed a case alleging that Rwanda violated several international obligations, including some arising from the Genocide Convention. 

Previously, the ICJ addressed alleged violations of the Genocide Convention in two cases brought by Bosnia and Croatia against Serbia, where it developed most of its jurisprudence regarding genocide. How the court applies and interprets its current jurisprudence in Gambia’s case against Myanmar will shape ongoing and future proceedings in relation to similar claims. 

World Court to rule in Rohingya genocide case on 19 November

 THE HAGUE, Nov 3 (Reuters) - The International Court of Justice will rule on 19 November in its landmark case against the government of Myanmar, which is accused of committing genocide ‌against the minority Muslim Rohingya, the court said on Tuesday.


  • ICJ judges will start reading out their judgment on 19 November at 8:00 GMT.
  • The case at the ICJ, also known as the World Court, was brought by Gambia in 2019.
  • Gambia argued that ⁠a 2017 offensive by Myanmar government forces that forced at least 730,000 Rohingya into neighbouring Bangladesh constituted a genocide
  • Rohingya refugees recounted instances of killings, mass rape and arson and a UN fact-finding commission has concluded the offensive included "genocidal acts"
  • Myanmar denies accusations of genocide and has said the offensive was a legitimate counter-terrorism campaign
  • This will be the first time in over a decade, and only the third ‌time ⁠ever, that the ICJ hands down a judgment in a genocide case
  • The outcome is likely to shape future genocide cases at the ICJ, including South Africa's 2023 case accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza, ⁠a charge Israel denies
  • The ICJ is the UN's highest court and deals with disputes between states and alleged breaches of international treaties including the 1948 ⁠Genocide Convention
  • Genocide has rarely been proven in international courts because judges have to find crimes were committed with the specific intent "to ⁠destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group".
  • ICJ rulings are final and without appeal

Reporting by Stephanie van den Berg, Editing by Bart Meijer, Charlotte Van Campenhout

Two Uyghur Men Face Deportation from Thailand


Two Uyghur men currently being held incommunicado face imminent deportation from Thailand to China, according to a Thai civil society network in a briefing note dated 29 October.

In a joint statement issued on Saturday, 31 October, the Coalition for the Rights of Refugees and Stateless Persons (CRSP), Migrant Working Group (MWG) and Thailand Migration Reform Consortium (TMR) also called on the Thai government to halt any forced return and respect the men’s wishes to resettle in a third country.

The three organisations said both men had informed their legal representatives that they did not consent to return to China. However, their lawyers have been denied access to them since their transfer to the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre on 21 October.

The briefing note stated: “Both men, one of whom was a child when first detained in 2014, were initially held in immigration detention. They were later held in Bangkok Central Prison for offences related to an escape attempt in January 2020. The two men received royal pardons under a decree published in the Royal Gazette on 2 June 2026 and were transferred to the Bangkok Immigration Detention Center (IDC) Suan Phlu on 21 October 2026.”

Read for more.

A disturbing attack on a Muslim child in India by a Hindu boy

 

A disturbing attack on a Muslim child in India

A classroom video circulating online appears to show an 8-year-old boy attacking a 6-year-old Muslim girl. He slams her head against a desk, kicks her and throws a brick toward her head. The footage is deeply disturbing.

JFA has been told that the boy is from a Hindu family. The attack must be investigated, and the wider climate in which children absorb messages about religion and identity must also be taken seriously. As Hindu-supremacist narratives and anti-Muslim hostility spread in India, the country must confront how this rhetoric can shape the next generation.

Watch the video with caution: It contains disturbing content.

Trump and Fascism, Revisited by Mir Alikhan

 We are reminded of the disgusting habits of pre-revolutionary French clergy, whose hypocrisy ran so deep, their noble pretenses and their hedonistic pursuits were one and the same:

One has chosen five bishops,
All marked by syphilis,
To reform the gay monks.
Can one whiten ebony with black ink?

To read the full essay, click here: Trump and Fascism, Revisited - CounterPunch.org 

Trump’s Attacks on Ilhan Omar

 

Trump’s Attacks on Ilhan Omar Played to His Base Before the Midterm Elections. Will Democrats Follow Through on Their Promise to Investigate?

In a pre-dawn raid on October 12, Ilhan Omar recalled being startled awake by Homeland Security agents banging on the door of her Washington DC home. During the raid at least 25 agents searched the modest dwelling for almost five hours and “walked away with 17 items, 10 that were just notebooks and 2 old phones.” The Democratic Representative told Chris Hayes on MSNOW that it felt like “such a bizarre, bizarre thing.” They took a camera her husband had gotten from from his uncle, and she added, “a Somali phrase book for children, which he was using to learn the language.” Omar has received death threats in the past, but that latest escalation forced her family to move out of their DC home. Audiences could clearly see the street number posted on the house, as broadcast footage lingered on the front doorway where agents moved in and out.

CNN’s Jake Tapper reported the raid as a legitimate law-enforcement action saying that Federal agents had a “court-authorized search warrant” as part of a “criminal investigation into alleged immigration fraud.” But The Nationwriter Jeet Heer was far more critical of Trump administration actions, saying the campaign against Omar “stinks to high heaven of partisanship and bigotry.” He added, it’s also part of a larger pattern of “Trump’s weaponization of law enforcement to punish perceived enemies.”

By Sunday, October 18, in a lengthy social media post, Former President Barak Obama called the administration’s attack on Omar “appalling” saying that, “The full weight of the federal government is being brought down on a law-abiding elected official because she has dared to criticize the president.” He articulated how Trump’sauthoritarian obsession with deporting Omar violated “a basic principle of American democracy that the government can’t selectively target individuals simply because of their political beliefs.”

Though Trump continues to deny that he had anything to do with the raid, such denials come off as little more than his usual gaslighting. He has long been obsessed with Omar, and as Public Citizen reported, the day after the raid Donald Trump said “Ilhan Omar is garbage. … Her friends are garbage. … We don’t want ’em in our country.” He had used this slur a year earlier when he called Omar “garbage” in a Cabinet meeting. Trump has persisted in calling for Omar’s deportation saying in January, that she should be sent “back to Somalia.” In March, Vice President JD Vance joined in declaring, without evidence, that Omar “definitely committed immigration fraud.” Trump’s constant threats to deport her were confirmed when the wife of Trump’s top adviser, Stephen Miller, reacted to the news of the raid by tweeting, “Promise made, promise kept,” before swiftly deleting it.

Michael Tomasky pointed out that Trump regularly rants about Somalis “in a way that can plainly be called racist and can arguably be called fascist.” Trump’s Truth Social post on October 8 characterizing Somalis as conniving bears this out, “The Somalians should not be allowed to get away with what they are doing. They view you as weak and stupid people. Fight back Minnesota, fight back! If you need, the Federal Government will come to your rescue.”

The claim that Trump’s law enforcement should go rescue Minnesota from its Somali communities is beyond ludicrous given the determined citizen defense of Minneapolis after Trump unleashed brutal ICE agents who killed 2 humanitarians last winter.

The spectacle of uniformed agents surrounding her house was little more than a staged performance for right-wing media. Not surprisingly Fox News took the opportunity and led with a headline sure to activate stereotypic versions of the Angry African and other people of color; “Somalis in Minnesota unleash fury on Trump after feds raid Ilhan Omar’s DC home.”

Jeet Heer observed that unlike other women and people of color who have become victims of Trump’s “lawless abuse” of power, Omar isn’t getting a full-throated defense from the political and media elite.” That was certainly clear from the first moments when the raid was broadcast over legacy television.

The CBS headline found the raid credible and the charges legitimate with a headline that read, “DHS Secretary Mullin calls Ilhan Omar probe a ‘strong case,’ says agents executed multiple search warrants.” The raid sounded totally above board to CBS. Overall, legacy broadcast coverage was simplistic and formulaic. They used the same pool coverage, interviewed the same sources, and featured plenty of b-roll footage of agents who did not resemble fascist-looking ICE agents, even though they were sent from the same Department of Homeland Security.

The New York Times stands out as the worst example of dishonest reporting. The wordy piece rehashed the charges already investigated, adding some new ones, breathing new life into each one by casting doubt, while proudly claiming that none of their sources could be named:

The search warrant…lists a series of potential immigration crimes under investigation, including false statements and fraud in immigration paperwork, as well as a general conspiracy charge.

         This was followed by assurances that the search warrant was scrutinized with a “significant back and forth between prosecutors and the federal judge who eventually approved it.” No context was included regarding the ways the Justice Department has been largely dismantled and reshaped by the Trump Administration and is now far more likely to do Trump’s bidding.

On the other hand, the Washington Post reporting that the political appointees in the first Trump administration had tried to find something on Omar in 2019 but had not been able to find any issues with her immigration paperwork.

As a vocal critic of the Trump Administration, and a Palestinian advocate, Ilhan Omar is a fearless Somali American woman. She is the embodiment of Trump’s favorite punching bags—she is a woman of color, a muslin immigrant, and she wears a head scarf. For years Trump has waged a vituperative campaign of bigotry and revenge against her. As Heer observed, “she excites all the passions of racism, xenophobia, and misogyny that animate Trump and his MAGA movement.”

This piece of theater was a desperate attempt designed to rally his shrinking base before the midterm elections.

Jacobin noted that such attacks won’t stop with Ilham Omar, saying it “illustrates what the United States has come to represent under Donald Trump: An America where the federal government is used to target the president’s perceived enemies.”

This must change. More than 170 House Democrats sent a letter addressed to the Attorney General and the Homeland Security Secretary, sharply condemning Trump’s action against Omar. They called the weaponization of law enforcement against a sitting Member of Congress just 22 days before an election unacceptable.

House Democratic Representatives Pramila Jayapal and Jamie Raskin, promised that if Democrats won the majority, they would use their subpoena power to launch investigations into what they called the “unprecedented political harassment of Ilham Omar.” The investigation would include scrutiny of the communications between Trump, the White House, the DOJ, and the DHS regarding Omar’s targeting. They also plan to draft legislation to withhold federal funding for any immigration probe against her. These actions will be a good start on the long road to bring America back from an authoritarian regime. It’s the duty of every antiauthoritarian  and antiracist in American to stand with Ilhan Omar and reverse the growing momentum toward fascism. Elite media would also do well to stop playing to islamophobia and instead represent the needs and concerns of the American people.

Robin Andersen is the author of The Complicit Lens: US Media Coverage of Israel’s Genocide in Gaza, published by OR Books, and the Institute for Palestine Studies. 

Amnesty International: Q&A: International Court of Justice Judgment in Myanmar Genocide Case

  Questions and Answers: International Court of Justice Judgment in Myanmar Genocide Case    People watch the ICJ hearing at a restaurant in...