Friday, August 21, 2026

One Land, Two Nationalisms: Islamism v. Zionism by M. Reza Behnam

 For decades, the political landscape of the Middle East has been shaped by a momentous ideological collision.  On one side stands Zionism; and on the other, Islamic political activism, Islamism.

Zionism, an ethno-nationalist project that materialized through the establishment of Israel in 1948, has continued to expand its physical footprint through militarism, territorial expansion, forced displacement and Western backing.

Islamism, a 20th century political/religious phenomenon, emerged as secular Arab governments, Gulf monarchs and international organizations failed to secure justice for the indigenous populations of the Middle East, particularly the Palestinians.

By wedding absolute moral conviction to disciplined organizational structures, Islamism manifested as the primary ideological force standing in direct opposition to the hegemonic objectives of Zionism.

It should be noted that a majority of Islamists—a designation that often leads to media stereotyping —reject as blasphemous groups such as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria), ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), or as it is often called in the Arab world, Daesh.

Until the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Islamism had limited impact.  Since then, it has become the most powerful ideological force across the Muslim world. Islamist movements have provided the structural organization for resistance; and its uncompromising political ideology has enabled and provided a counter against Zionism and Western imperialism.

Perhaps Israel’s most consequential, yet rarely acknowledged impact on the region, has been its role in accelerating the death of secular politics and the rise of militant Islam.

To understand why Islamism has ascended as the primary vehicle of resistance, it is important to revisit the geopolitical architecture of the post-colonial Middle East, and to recognize Israel’s crucial role in inflaming the fracture and militancy that defines the region today.

For a short-lived period (1945-1970), the geopolitical horizons of the Arab world looked radically different.

Led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser (1954-1970), the era was distinguished by modernization, socialist reforms and the bold language of pan-Arab nationalism and the promise to liberate Palestine.

After decades of internal corruption and authoritarian governance, the dream of sovereign nation-states—built on shared linguistic and cultural identity—collapsed following the decisive and humiliating defeat of the Arab armies in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.

The collective consciousness and confidence of the Arab world was further eroded as its leaders struck compromises and signed unilateral peace agreements with Israel; as Egypt did in 1979 and Jordan in 1994.

An ideological void emerged, as Arab states prioritized regime survival over confrontation.  For populations suffering and witnessing regional devastation, these state-led efforts at normalization were viewed as capitulation.

The loss of faith in the ideology of secular nationalism cleared the way for the genesis of a national political identity based in faith.  Islamism presented a worldview entirely independent of Western-drawn borders, post-colonial state loyalties and Western ideology.

These movements offered a vision that secular regimes found difficult to counter.  By shifting the paradigm from secular nationalism to religious jihad—armed struggle in defense of the Muslim community (the ummah)—Islamism provided a new framework for mobilization.  It also turned the ongoing frustration and disappointment over Palestinian dispossession and military humiliations into fuel for transnational unity.

The mantle of external struggle fell to non-state Islamist groups such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, supported in their resistance to U.S.-Israel hegemony by the revolutionary government of Iran.

Political theorists and proponents argue that Islamism possesses unique structural advantages that make it, unlike secular nationalism, formidable in confronting Zionism; most notably:

+ Transcendence of artificial borders: Islamism derives its influence from its trans-national identity with the ummah, rising above the divisive borders carved by European colonialism. Regional Arab states, on the other hand, have been constrained by economic involvement and military dependence on the U.S. and the West, as well as fragile domestic coalitions.

+ The power of ideological resilience: Secular militant movements can be degraded through conventional warfare, elite cooptation, or political compromise.  In contrast, Islamist movements exhibit a high degree of resolution and organizational resilience, which is in large part due to their shared theological belief in divine justice, martyrdom and moral duty. To a believer, the struggle against territorial dispossession is a sacred obligation, not merely a political grievance; making resoluteness a core doctrine.

+ Moral and popular legitimacy: In addition to political resistance, Islamist movements also frequently act as community anchors, providing needed social services.  Because of the help they provide to populations alienated by repressive or indifferent central governments, these groups build strong grassroots support that protects them from state military annihilation.

Ultimately, the conflict between Islamism and Zionism is a struggle between two deeply rooted and complete belief systems. Zionism seeks absolute control through exclusive ethno-religious dominance over Palestinian land.  Islamism counters with a vision that totally rejects the legitimacy of that supremacy, utilizing faith as both armor and weapon.

Amid a landscape of autocratic regimes, failing international laws and failed secular diplomacy that has yielded decades of suffering and territorial loss, Islamism offers its followers an unyielding defense against the systematic erasure of Palestinians and loss of regional sovereignty.

American militarists and their Zionist allies have tried to carve out and secure footholds across the Middle East through armed conquest and genocide.  In this jockeying, nations and borders have been treated as pieces on a chessboard, with heavy focus on territorial dominance and force to guarantee servitude to the West.

In stark contrast, Islamist groups do not rule over territory or maintain exclusive control over national governments.  Their regional strength and endurance has been won through ideological resonance.

Islamists operate on an ideological and grassroots level, aiming directly at the spiritual, aspirational and social core of the populous.  In a community exhausted by foreign aggression and domination, Islamism has offered believers a compelling indigenous narrative of identity, belonging and justice.

Dr. M. Reza Behnam is a political scientist who specializes in comparative politics with a focus on West Asia.  

Israel Finally Admits to Killing Hind Rajab, Her Family and the Paramedics Who Tried to Save Her by Jeffrey St. Clair

 To read the story, click here: Israel Finally Admits to Killing Hind Rajab, Her Family and the Paramedics Who Tried to Save Her - CounterPunch.org

No Coming Back from Genocide: Israel’s Global Counter-Offensive Has Begun by Ramzy Baroud

 Colombia’s decision to recognize Israeli sovereignty over the occupied Syrian Golan Heights marks a dangerous turning point.

By becoming only the second country in the world – after the United States – to endorse Israel’s illegal annexation of Syrian territory, Bogotá has signaled a complete reversal of Gustavo Petro’s foreign policy under new far-right President Abelardo de la Espriella.

However, Colombia is not an isolated case. It reflects a broader, highly aggressive campaign by Israel to systematically dismantle and reverse hard-won pro-Palestine and pro-Arab positions worldwide. In fact, the shift in Bogotá comes alongside dramatic changes in Caracas, where Venezuela’s interim leadership has moved to restore consular ties with Israel after a 17-year freeze.

The same thing is happening in Europe. A prime example is Slovenia, where the newly installed government under Janez Janša removed the Palestinian flag from government buildings and announced its intention to freeze the country’s 2024 recognition of Palestinian statehood and move its embassy to Jerusalem.

Israel knows that its so-called ‘PR problem’ is no longer that of a merely tainted image resulting from occasional negative news coverage. The genocide in Gaza, coupled with genocidal discourse and wars of aggression across the Middle East, means that Israel, this time around, will not easily recover from the damage it has inflicted on its global reputation.

Though some circles, including those purportedly critical of Israel, insist that the problem is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government of extremists, the truth is far more unpleasant for Israel. Indeed, Israel as a country, as a colonial project and as an ideology is increasingly being questioned.

Even some within Israel’s own mainstream media have begun acknowledging the depth of the crisis. “Maybe it’s time to understand that this isn’t just a PR failure, but a moral failure,” prominent Israeli television anchor Yonit Levi said last year. The Washington Post, meanwhile, described Israel as “turning into a global pariah.”

But Israeli leaders, though refusing to acknowledge the potentially irreversible changes in the global mood toward their country and Zionism as a whole, are comforted by two factors: one, continued US – and, by extension, Western – support; and two, directly related to the first, their ability to shift governments’ positions toward Israel through political, diplomatic and other means.

For Israel, the people never mattered; only governments do.

Colombia illustrates precisely why. Israel did not need to reverse Colombian public opinion or undo years of solidarity with Palestine. It only needed a change of government. The election of the unabashedly pro-Israel De la Espriella provided exactly that.

The political consequences were almost immediate. De la Espriella moved to restore full relations with Israel, withdraw Colombia’s support for South Africa’s genocide case at the International Court of Justice, resume coal exports and, most consequentially, recognize Israeli sovereignty over the occupied Golan.

This rapid reversal also gives greater significance to former President Petro’s repeated statements of US and Israeli interference in the election that defeated left-wing candidate Iván Cepeda. Though these accusations remain contested, the outcome itself is unmistakable: a change of government was enough to begin dismantling years of Colombian policy on Palestine and Israel.

The same applies to Venezuela. Many initially viewed the US capture of pro-Palestine President Nicolás Maduro as merely another episode in Washington’s long history of intervention in Latin America. But the speed of Venezuela’s subsequent realignment suggests a broader transformation.

The clearest indication is Caracas’ growing closeness to Tel Aviv. Venezuela severed diplomatic relations with Israel under Hugo Chávez in 2009 over the war on Gaza. Seventeen years later, the two governments have agreed to restore consular services – a significant step toward normalization and a powerful symbol of Venezuela’s changing geopolitical orientation.

Israel’s relationship with much of the Global South has historically been fraught, shaped by its colonial character, military aggression and close alignment with Western power.

Under Netanyahu, however, Israel worked systematically to break that isolation, expanding its influence across Africa, Asia and Latin America as the US-dominated global order began to weaken.

Gaza dramatically reversed those gains, not only in the Global South but worldwide. The challenge now is to make that reversal lasting – and Israel’s recent gains in Colombia, Venezuela, Slovenia and elsewhere temporary.

But Arab countries can – and must – do more. Their swift condemnation of Colombia’s Golan decision under UN Security Council Resolution 497 is necessary, but statements alone cannot counter Israel’s active diplomatic offensive.

Principled positions on Palestine and occupied Arab territories must be reinforced through economic, diplomatic and strategic partnerships. Otherwise, hard-won political gains will remain fragile, easily reversed whenever governments change.

We are at the cusp of a historic moment, a reality increasingly acknowledged by Israeli politicians, historians and media themselves. To squander this opportunity to expose Israel and hold it accountable for its crimes in Palestine and throughout the Middle East would be unforgivable.

The fight for justice in Palestine has already gone global, and those among us who deeply care about Gaza must understand the significance of this transformation. Israel is fighting to reverse its growing isolation and should not be expected to give up anytime soon.

Therefore, we must accelerate our efforts, using every available means consistent with international law and the aspirations of the Palestinian people, to ensure that the historic transformation brought about by Gaza cannot simply be reversed.

Israel must understand that there can be no return to business as usual, no escaping accountability, and no coming back from genocide.

Arms sales to Israel are slowing. But that’s only half the story

 

By continuing to purchase weapons from Israel, foreign states are sustaining the infrastructure, expertise, and financing it needs to wage its next war.

Netanyahu Rejects International Force, Rebuilding Gaza

by Kyle Anzalone | August 20, 2026 at 6:49 pm ET

The Israeli Prime Minister’s office said that Tel Aviv does not support an international force entering Gaza or rebuilding the Strip until Hamas disarms. 

“Contrary to media reports, the political echelon has not approved the entry of the international force to the Gaza Strip,” the statement reads. “Israel has made it clear that there will not be any reconstruction in the Strip before Hamas is fully disarmed.”

Earlier this week, military officers from Burundi and Uganda toured sites in Gaza with the IDF. Some reports said the foreign officers were a part of the initial formation of an international stabilization force (ISF) in Gaza. 

The ISF is part of the Board of Peace agreement that was brokered by President Donald Trump in October. Earlier this month, Trump announced that the deal had progressed and Hamas was prepared to disarm in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. 

“Today, the Board of Peace reached a HISTORIC agreement for the COMPLETE DISARMAMENT of Hamas and all other armed groups in Gaza,” the President wrote on Truth Social. “This agreement is a critical step towards Gaza finally being governed by a new Palestinian government that will work closely with the Board of Peace to help the Palestinian people.”

Netanyahu and other top Israeli leaders have repeatedly stated that the IDF will not withdraw from Gaza, and any rebuilding in the Strip will only begin after the Palestinians are disarmed. Hamas has pressed Washington to force Tel Aviv to comply with the deal. 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu explicitly rejected the proposal to disarm Hamas.

“Israel does not accept the 15-point document,” Netanyahu told members of the Israeli cabinet earlier this month. The military “will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is disarmed … it means heavy weaponry, lighter weaponry, all weaponry.”

He continued, “And we are talking about genuine disarmament, not fictitious disarmament. [The US] have ideas, some of which are acceptable to ​us and some of which are unacceptable to us.”

Pentagon says over 750 US troops wounded during war on Iran

 More than 750 US service members have been wounded since the US launched its war of aggression on Iran on 28 February, according to Defense Department casualty data updated on 19 August.

Click here to read more: Pentagon says over 750 US troops wounded during war on Iran

Pakistan ex-PM Imran Khan’s family accuses gov’t of defying hospital order

 Islamabad, Pakistan — Uzma Khanum had not seen her brother in nearly a year. When she finally did, in a borrowed office in the government-run PIMS hospital in the Pakistani capital past midnight on Friday, he stood up in shock and told the doctors around him, “This is my sister, I’m meeting her after 10 months.”

The country’s Supreme Court had on Tuesday ordered Pakistani authorities to transfer former Prime Minister Imran Khan to the privately run Shifa International Hospital by midnight on Thursday, from Adiala jail, three years after he was imprisoned on a slew of charges.

Click here to read more: Pakistan ex-PM Imran Khan’s family accuses gov’t of defying hospital order | Imran Khan News | Al Jazeera

One Land, Two Nationalisms: Islamism v. Zionism by M. Reza Behnam

  For decades, the political landscape of the Middle East has been shaped by a momentous ideological collision.  On one side stands Zionism;...