Thursday, October 1, 2026

Fly Dubai emergency: Israeli claims face questions as investigation continues

Israeli officials have described the Flydubai FZ1073 incident as an attempted terrorist attack, but the airline and regional authorities have urged caution as investigators establish what happened inside the cockpit. Several details circulating in Israeli and Indian media remain disputed or unverified

 TABUK, Saudi Arabia (MNTV) — A dramatic account of what happened aboard flydubai flight FZ1073 has rapidly taken shape around claims that an Omani co-pilot attacked an Indian captain and attempted to crash the aircraft carrying mostly Israeli passengers from Dubai to Tel Aviv.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described the incident as an apparent attempt to crash the aircraft, while Israel’s Defence Minister Israel Katz called it an “attempted jihadist terror attack”. But the motive, precise sequence of events and several important details remain under investigation. flydubai has described the event only as an “incident” and said the reasons and circumstances were being investigated.

That leaves a central question: how much of the increasingly detailed account now circulating has actually been established by investigators?

Israeli officials and media have identified the co-pilot as an Omani national. Oman does not have diplomatic relations with Israel; Israel’s own published list of diplomatic relations records Oman as a country with which it has no diplomatic relations.

However, the claim that Israeli law simply prohibits a pilot from a country without diplomatic relations from flying into Israel requires clarification.

Israel’s published Aeronautical Information Publication sets out requirements for foreign commercial operators, including eligibility under bilateral or multilateral aviation agreements and an Israeli operating permit. It does not state in the relevant section that an individual pilot must personally be a national of a country maintaining diplomatic relations with Israel.

That raises a specific question for investigators and regulators: what legal or regulatory provision, if any, governed the Omani co-pilot’s assignment to FZ1073, and had flydubai received all necessary approvals for the flight and crew?

What exactly happened inside the cockpit?

The broad outline is relatively consistent: FZ1073 experienced violent altitude fluctuations, transmitted emergency signals and eventually diverted to Tabuk in northwestern Saudi Arabia. Flight-tracking data shows the aircraft falling by more than 14,000 feet in less than 30 seconds during one phase of the incident. It later transmitted the internationally recognized 7500 code for unlawful interference before diverting.

But the precise sequence inside the cockpit remains less clear.

Israeli accounts say the co-pilot attacked the captain, who was subsequently able to open the cockpit door and alert others. Passengers and crew then entered the flight deck and subdued the alleged attacker. Netanyahu later praised the passengers who intervened.

The question for investigators is whether the available cockpit recordings, flight-data recorder and cockpit voice recorder establish this sequence independently, rather than relying primarily on passenger accounts or statements from Israeli officials.

Could a passenger actually recover control of a rapidly descending aircraft?

One Israeli passenger, identified in reports as Yaniv Hayoun, has described entering the cockpit and pulling the controls back during the aircraft’s descent. Israeli media subsequently portrayed his intervention as an important part of the rescue. Hayoun later met Netanyahu and recounted his actions.

That account is possible in principle, but it raises technical questions that can be answered through the aircraft’s flight-data recorder.

How much control did the passenger actually exercise? For how long? What altitude and airspeed did the aircraft have at that moment? Which flight-control inputs were made by the passenger and which by trained crew members? And how much had the aircraft already recovered before the passenger reached the controls?

These are questions that an aviation investigation, rather than political statements or social-media accounts, should be able to establish.

The claim that the aircraft descended at an angle of “almost 45 degrees” should also be treated cautiously. A vertical altitude loss over a particular number of seconds does not, by itself, establish the aircraft’s pitch angle. That requires the aircraft’s horizontal speed, attitude and flight-data information.

Who actually landed the aircraft?

Another detail that has generated speculation is the presence of additional pilots aboard the aircraft.

But available reporting indicates that this was not necessarily an unexplained coincidence. Reports say two flydubai relief pilots were travelling as passengers and subsequently assisted in stabilising and landing the aircraft.

That distinction is important. Airlines commonly use relief crews on longer or operationally demanding flights, and the presence of qualified pilots travelling aboard an aircraft can therefore have an operational explanation.

The remaining question is more specific: what were those pilots’ identities, qualifications and exact roles during the emergency, and at what point did they assume control?

Why did the account become a terrorism narrative so quickly?

The motive remains a particularly important unanswered question.

Israeli officials have characterized the incident as an attempted terrorist attack, with Katz describing it as an attempted “jihadist terror attack”. Israeli media have also carried descriptions of the Omani pilot as a religious extremist. 

flydubai has urged against premature speculation, while Saudi authorities have been investigating the incident. Reuters reported that the motive remained unclear.

That distinction matters because an alleged act of violence inside a cockpit and an established terrorist motive are not the same finding.

Investigators will need to establish whether the attack was politically motivated, personally motivated, connected to an organisation or driven by another cause.

The extraordinary nature of the rescue should not remove the need for ordinary aviation questions.

Why was the reported Omani pilot assigned to the flight, and under what regulatory approval? What exactly happened between the two pilots? What caused the initial descent? Who operated the controls at each stage? What role did the passenger play compared with the relief pilots? What does the cockpit voice recorder reveal? And, perhaps most importantly, what evidence establishes an ideological or terrorist motive?

Over 2,100 Muslim edifices hit in six-year bulldozer drive in India

 

Mosques, madrasas and shrines across multiple states faced demolition, removal and eviction actions during BJP rule

NEW DELHI, India (MNTV) — More than 2,100 reported instances involving mosques, madrasas, dargahs and other Muslim religious and community properties have been recorded in government demolition, removal and eviction drives across India.

The report covers the past six years, documenting the scale of bulldozer action affecting Muslim spaces during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist BJP rule.

The compilation by Muslim news outlet Millat Times, covering 2020 to 2026, identified at least 2,166 reported instances, structures or aggregate figures from government statements, court records, media reports and documented cases. 

The figure is not a tally of 2,166 individually verified demolitions because some government totals overlap with separately documented cases and include partial demolitions and other administrative actions.

The actions stretch across Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Delhi, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Telangana and Assam, involving authorities ranging from municipal and district administrations to development, forest and public works agencies.

Authorities have predominantly justified the actions by citing alleged encroachment, unauthorized construction, occupation of government or forest land, road widening and other infrastructure projects.

Muslim organizations and affected communities have challenged several demolitions in courts, while authorities have prevailed in other land and eviction disputes.

Some of the largest figures have emerged from Uttarakhand, governed by the BJP since 2017. By July 2025, a government figure cited in the compilation put the number of Muslim mazars, or shrines, removed statewide at 538. Earlier reports had documented hundreds of removals from forest land.

Gujarat, another BJP-ruled state, has also witnessed large-scale action. State Home Minister Harsh Sanghavi told lawmakers in 2024 that authorities had demolished 108 mazars in an anti-encroachment drive.

Nine mosques, dargahs and other shrines were demolished in Gir Somnath later that year, triggering proceedings before India’s Supreme Court.

The six-year period has also seen individual mosques with decades or centuries of history razed.

They include the Garib Nawaz Mosque in Uttar Pradesh’s Barabanki district in 2021, Akhoondji Masjid and an adjoining madrasa in Delhi in 2024, a centuries-old mosque in Sitapur in 2025 and the 128-year-old Chawkhowa Jama Masjid in Assam the same year.

Demolitions have continued in 2026. Mosques, madrasas and Muslim shrines have faced bulldozer action in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Delhi and Telangana, among other states.

One of the latest cases came on Sept. 5, when authorities demolished the Collectorate Mosque in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh, following an eviction dispute over government land. The mosque dates to the early 20th century.

The compilation separates government action from attacks by Hindu mobs and other private actors against Muslim religious properties, including at least 17 mosques, madrasas and shrines attacked, burned or vandalized during the 2020 Delhi anti-Muslim riots.




The Greater Isolation of Lesser Israel by Vijay Prashad

 When Benjamin Netanyahu rose to address the United Nations General Assembly on September 24, the rows of empty seats spoke before he did. Diplomats walked out, while others stayed away from the outset. News reports citing an Israeli tally put the number of delegations absent or departing at 77. This was not a recorded UN vote, nor did all 77 stage a coordinated walkout. Yet the image of an Israeli prime minister speaking to a depleted chamber captured a real political fact: the destruction of Gaza and the consolidation of occupation have made Israel increasingly isolated across much of the world.

The diplomats who stayed away or who walked out were overwhelmingly drawn from Africa, Asia, the Arab world and Latin America, although European states including Spain and Ireland boycotted the address. Brazil and South Africa did not show up, while Indonesia, Pakistan, Senegal, Sudan, and Türkiye stayed away. The empty seats did not mean that each of these countries stayed away for the same reason. However, it is essential to point out that for many of them Palestine is not a distant diplomatic file but a liberation project akin to their own struggles against colonial rule and for sovereignty. They refused to listen to Netanyahu as the occupation, apartheid, genocide, and expropriation were happening in plain sight.

The rebuke came at the correct time. In his address, Netanyahu rejected all genocide allegations. However, in June 2026, a UN independent commission said that Israeli authorities and forces continued to commit genocide and other atrocity crimes, specifically in their treatment of Palestinian children. This commission had previously concluded in 2025 that Israel was committing a genocide. These are findings of a UN investigative body, not a final judgment in the genocide case before the International Court of Justice. The difference between a commission’s findings and a court’s eventual ruling matters legally, but it does not make the evidence of Israeli violence and Palestinian suffering disappear.

Permanent Genocide

The 10 October 2025 ceasefire did not bring an end to the genocide or the suffering. UN humanitarian reporting in September 2026 describes continuing deaths, restricted access to essential supplies, mass displacement and a landscape of shattered homes and public services. Just before the report was published, in Tal al-Hawa on 16 September, a building damaged by the Israeli attacks collapsed and killed at least twenty-one people, including eight children. ‘Israeli airstrikes, shelling, drone attacks, and ground operations have continued’, the UN investigators write, ‘and Palestinian casualties continue to mount.

Around two-thirds of Gaza remains inaccessible or subject to severe access restrictions, leaving Palestinian civilians confined to overcrowded and insecure areas’. Jaco Cilliers, the UN Development Programme’s special representative in Gaza, told Seham Tantesh, ‘The estimate of the total rubble in Gaza is 61 million tonnes. It is approximately twenty times the amount of rubble generated in all wars across the world over the last eighteen years’.

The global outrage at the genocide is not only retrospective, directed at the devastation of the years before the ceasefire. It responds to a present in which Palestinians remain exposed to violence, deprivation, and political subjugation.

Gaza is only one of three parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the other two parts being East Jerusalem and the West Bank. In July 2024, the International Court of Justice held in an advisory opinion that Israel’s continued presence in the OPT was unlawful and that the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and the seizures of buildings and land in East Jerusalem violated international law. Drawing on this opinion, the UN General Assembly demanded that Israel end its unlawful presence within a year. As if to snub the UN, in April 2025 Israel established a new enforcement unit within its Land Authority to identify ‘illegal’ Palestinian construction in the West Bank with the intent of demolishing them and building more illegal settlements. The UN’s Secretary General published his report in September 2025, which showed that nothing had changed a year after the UN General Assembly’s deadline passed. The gap between international legal principle and the facts imposed on the ground has become impossible to disguise with appeals to an indefinitely postponed peace process.

Profits from Apartheid

On September 25, the UN Human Rights Office updated its database of businesses engaged in specific activities connected to Israel’s illegal settlements. Its latest report, A/HRC/63/20, lists 214 enterprises based in 11 countries, compared with 158 in the 2025 edition. The UN says the list is limited to activities identified under its Human Rights Council mandate, and so it is not a catalogue of every company with commercial links to Israel, nor a judicial finding that each listed firm has committed a crime. Its purpose is to make the economic machinery of the settlements visible, which had been done in 2025 in the report by Francesca Albanese in From Economy of Occupation to Economy of Genocide. Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.

These reports show that the settler machinery reaches well beyond the settler movement itself to companies that provide construction, finance, telecommunications, services, and markets. Through the work of these companies the ‘temporary’ nature of the settlements is made permanent. The database supplies a practical and concrete list for tracing the relationships between settlers and these companies and asks governments and investors what they will do about these relationships.

Most listed enterprises are Israeli, but foreign firms included businesses that are mostly headquartered in the United States and several European countries. These governments that invoke a ‘rules-based order’ cannot treat their own companies’ participation in such a blatantly unlawful settlement economy as an incidental commercial matter. The facts established in the list should now put additional pressure on states (in particular, Canada, France, and the United Kingdom) whose public opposition to settlements is contradicted by the continuation of their firms in the settlement economy.

The UN database does not automatically prescribe sanctions against named companies, but it does make indifference harder to defend. Governments can investigate listed activities, exclude settlement products and services from preferential treatment, examine public contracts and require firms to end involvement that sustains occupation. These measures would connect the principles proclaimed at the UN to the economic system that keeps settlements viable.

Incomplete Isolation

Israel’s diplomatic isolation is substantial but incomplete. Empty seats did not halt the violence or dismantle a single settlement, while strong statements in New York can coexist with trade, arms transfers, and investments that sustain the status quo. The United States and other powerful partners still possess the means to shield Israel from consequences, even as opposition grows in the UN General Assembly. For Palestinians, symbolic rejection is meaningful only if it develops into sustained pressure for protection, accountability, an end to unlawful occupation, and the exercise of self-determination.

The scene at the General Assembly and the publication of the business database belong in the same story. One revealed a loss of political consent, while the other mapped some of the economic relationships that allow it to survive. The overwhelming presence of Global South countries among those absent or departing reflects a widening refusal to accept mass Palestinian suffering as the price of geopolitical alliance. The task now is to give that refusal material force. A world that turns its back on Netanyahu’s defence of the occupation must also withdraw the contracts, investments, and diplomatic cover through which occupation is made to endure.

263 Palestinian journalists killed since start of Israel's war on Gaza: Media office

 The number of Palestinian journalists killed since the start of Israel's war in the Gaza Strip has risen to 263, Gaza's government media office said Wednesday.

The latest death toll came after Palestinian journalist Muhammad Abdel Aziz al-Najjar was killed Wednesday in an Israeli drone strike, the office said.

In a statement, the media office "strongly condemned the Israeli occupation's targeting, killing and systematic assassination of Palestinian journalists."

It called on the Federation of Journalists, the Federation of Arab Journalists and press organizations worldwide to condemn what it described as crimes against journalists and media workers in Gaza.

The office also urged the international community to pursue those crimes before international courts and bring those responsible to justice.

Since Oct. 8, 2023, Israel has killed over 74,000 Palestinians and injured more than 175,000 others in the Gaza Strip, according to Palestinian figures, while around 90% of the territory’s infrastructure has been destroyed.

Israel continues its attacks despite a ceasefire that has been in effect since Oct. 10, 2025.

Palestinian MKs in Israel have long faced election bans. This time is different

 On September 23, Israel’s Central Elections Committee performed its ritual of banning Palestinian parties and candidates, voting to bar the Joint List, comprising Hadash, Balad, and Ta’al, as well as Mansour Abbas’ United Arab List (Ra’am). The committee also voted to disqualify two individual candidates: Hadash lawmaker Ofer Cassif and Balad leader Sami Abu Shehadeh, whose candidacy it rejected by a crushing margin of 31 to 4. 

Since 2003, disqualification proceedings have become a fixture of nearly every election cycle. The committee is indeed an explicitly political body whose composition mirrors the balance of power in the Knesset, and after it votes to exclude Arab parties or candidates, the Supreme Court is then called upon to approve or overturn the decision. 

But the campaign against Abu Shehadeh in particular has broken with the familiar script, in ways that have raised fears that the Supreme Court — which is set to hear his disqualification petition on Thursday — might no longer serve as the backstop it once did. 

The first indication came from Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara. The Elections Committee had barred Abu Shehadeh on two of the three grounds set out in Israel’s Basic Law on the Knesset: negating Israel’s existence as a Jewish and democratic state, and supporting armed struggle by an enemy state or terrorist organization against Israel. (The third is incitement to racism).

Baharav-Miara’s position hardened over the course of the proceedings. Ahead of the Elections Committee hearing, she said there was a basis for the armed struggle allegation and urged the committee to “seriously consider” disqualifying Abu Shehadeh after hearing his response, but stopped short of explicitly endorsing a ban. Two days before the Supreme Court hearing, she went further: In a legal opinion submitted on Tuesday, she explicitly asked the court to uphold his ban on grounds of supporting armed struggle. 

But both she and the committee provided no evidence for this charge other than what was cited in the disqualification bid, filed by Itamar Ben Gvir’s far-right Otzma Yehudit party: a single article Abu Shehadeh published on October 8, 2023.

National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir arrives for a hearing on a request to disqualify Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh at the Central Elections Committee at the Knesset in Jerusalem, September 23, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)
National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir arrives for a hearing on a request to disqualify Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh at the Central Elections Committee at the Knesset in Jerusalem, September 23, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

In the article, Abu Shehadeh offered an initial reading of the unfolding events and their possible political consequences, calling it “a significant historical event in military, political, and strategic terms” whose “implications, consequences, and results will become apparent once the dust settles.” Part of this significance, he argued, was how the attacks revealed that “Israel and its intelligence services are human beings like us; they don’t know everything. Furthermore, it is possible to prevent them from infiltrating our countries, parties, and political movements … if small, besieged Gaza can do this, then others can do it more effectively and simply.”

For Baharav-Miara, the fact that Abu Shehadeh did not condemn the October 7 attack in the article, as well as his observation that “others can do” what Gaza did to prevent Israeli intelligence penetration, could constitute support for armed struggle. Abu Shehadeh rejected that interpretation, pointing to other statements in which he condemned the killing of civilians and expressed his opposition to political violence. 

The significance of the attorney general’s position, attorney Sawsan Zaher argued, lies partly in how far it deviates from the court’s existing standard for disqualification. “Until today, the Supreme Court has maintained that one statement is not enough,” she told +972 Magazine. “There needs to be a substantial body of evidence –– several articles or statements — showing that support for armed struggle is the central objective of a candidate’s political activity. This is not present in Sami’s case.” 

Yet Zaher said the attorney general’s position was widely understood as a signal that Abu Shehadeh’s disqualification could survive judicial review. “In practice, she gave the Supreme Court a green light, not only the Elections Committee,” Zaher explained. 

Another unusual intervention came from Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, who chairs the Central Elections Committee. The judge personally voted to disqualify Abu Shehadeh, openly acknowledging that he was departing from the convention under which committee chairs abstain from disqualification votes in order to preserve their neutrality. 

Perhaps most concerning has been the breadth of the political consensus. Support for excluding Abu Shehadeh stretches from Otzma Yehudit and the Israeli far-right across the governing coalition and well into the Zionist opposition — including the Democrats, led by Yair Golan, despite the party’s efforts to court Palestinian voters.

Likud MK Tally Gotliv shouts at Joint List chairman Youssef Jabareen following a hearing on a request to disqualify the candidacy of Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh at the Central Elections Committee, at the Knesset in Jerusalem, September 23, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)
Likud MK Tally Gotliv shouts at Joint List chairman Youssef Jabareen following a hearing on a request to disqualify the candidacy of Balad chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh at the Central Elections Committee, at the Knesset in Jerusalem, September 23, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Writing about the disqualification decisions, Hadeel Abu Saleh — an attorney at the Haifa-based legal center Adalah — pointed to a glaring contradiction in the Elections Committee proceedings. Otzma Yehudit and Religious Zionism were also facing disqualification attempts before the committee, on the grounds of inciting racism and undermining democracy. Yet while Abu Shehadeh’s article was deemed sufficient to support his disqualification, she noted, the vast evidence presented against Otzma Yehudit and Religious Zionism was found insufficient to bar those parties. 

“This is the heart of the discrimination claim: In one case, a single article subject to interpretation may suffice to deny the right to be elected; in the other case, a large body of evidence is insufficient,” she wrote, describing the disparity as “apartheid in the right to be elected.”

Click here to read more: Palestinian MKs in Israel have long faced election bans. This time is different

Israeli Bombing of Van in Gaza City Kills Six Palestinians


Two other Palestinians were killed in separate attacks, bringing Wednesday's death toll to at least eight

An Israeli strike hit a vehicle in Gaza City’s Tal al-Hawa neighborhood, killing at least six Palestinians, as the IDF continues its constant violations of the US-backed ceasefire deal.

According to the Palestinian news agency WAFA, 10 others were wounded in the strike. Photos of the aftermath show the strike destroyed a large van, which Gaza’s Health Ministry described as a “civilian vehicle” that was carrying a “group of citizens.”

WAFA also reported that a woman was killed by a separate Israeli strike on an apartment building in Gaza City and another person was killed by an Israeli drone attack in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, bringing Wednesday’s death toll to at least eight.

A civilian vehicle towing a trailer is seen after it was hit by an Israeli strike in the Tel al-Hawa neighborhood of western Gaza City on September 30, 2026 (ZUMA Press Wire via Reuters Connect)

The Health Ministry said in its daily update, released about midday Gaza time, before the bombing of the van, that over the past 24 hours, at least eight Palestinians were killed, and 31 were injured over the past 24 hours, as the IDF appears to have escalated its attacks in recent days. The ministry said that another person, a woman, died of wounds sustained in a previous Israeli attack.

Since the so-called ceasefire deal was signed in October 2025, the IDF has killed at least 1,431 Palestinians and wounded 5,026. According to Gaza’s Government Media Office, Israel has violated the ceasefire more than 5,000 times.

The US continues to back Israel’s attacks in Gaza despite President Trump and the so-called Board of Peace recently announcing that Hamas had agreed to a US-proposed disarmament deal.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has rejected the potential agreement, and other senior Israeli ministers continue to make clear that their ultimate goal for Gaza is the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian population.

Massacre at Minab: The School That Became a Grave

 On the morning of Saturday, February 28, people across Iran began their day like any other. It was one week into the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, and people were preparing for their work and school week. Parents hustled their children out the door for school as the notorious morning traffic jams filled the streets of Tehran and other cities.

In the southern Iranian city of Minab, preschool teacher Hossniyeh Salem was getting ready to leave the house. “Like any other day, I got my child ready at 7 o’clock—because my son is in fifth grade and attended the same school,” she recalled. “I got Yassin ready and headed to school. Yassin went to the boys’ school and I stayed at preschool, in my own class.”

It was Salem’s seventh year as a teacher at Shajareh Tayyebeh, a well-respected, private school. “The upper floor was for girls and the downstairs was for boys. One section was for preschool. You can say there were three schools there. The preschool was in the same building,” she said. “There were students there from all walks of life—children from working class families, educators. We had all kinds of students there.”

Among the students at the school was 6-year-old Fatemeh Yazdanpanah from the fishing village of Gurzang, about eight miles from Minab. The village is well known for its daily fish market—a bustling, strategic hub where fishermen trade their catches from both the Minab River and the Persian Gulf. There is a girls’ school in Gurzang, but Fatemeh’s father, Yaghoub Yazdanpanah, saw gifts for poetry in his daughter and he wanted to secure for her the best education he could find.

Left: Fatemeh Yazdanpanah, a 6 year old student at the Shajareh Tayyebeh school in Minab. Right: Fatemeh with her father, Yaghoub. Photos courtesy of the Yazdanpanah family.
Click here to read the full story: Massacre at Minab: The School That Became a Grave

Fly Dubai emergency: Israeli claims face questions as investigation continues

Israeli officials have described the Flydubai FZ1073 incident as an attempted terrorist attack, but the airline and regional authorities hav...