Targeted Massacre of Minorities in Assam
At the heart of Assam 's troubles is a debate over the
"infiltration" by outsiders, which has led to ethnic tension between
the state's so-called indigenous population and Bengali-speaking people who have
settled there for generations. Overlooked in this debate is the fact that all
these territories were once part of British India with people – both Assamese
and Bengali – living on either side of today’s border that separates Bangladesh
(formerly East Pakistan/ East Bengal) from the state of Assam in India. The
Assamese were mostly illiterate people and so many Indians (mostly from the
province of Bengal) were brought in to work as engineers, doctors,
administrators, clerks, railway workers and other government related jobs. Many of the Bengali-speaking famers were also
brought in to boost rice production in the area, especially around the ‘chars’
(river islands). Having lived there for generations, these so-called migrants
are as Indian (in today’s parlance) as the ethnic Assamese or the tribes-people
in the state.
Unfortunately, the ensuing change in
demography, rivalry for land, dwindling natural resources and livelihood, and
intensified competition for political power between the ruling party and the
separatists has added a deadly force to the issue of who has a right to Assam . It is
all about xenophobia. Shamelessly, successive governments have used Assamese or
Bengali Muslims as little more than a vote bank without recognizing their
rights.
After the Nellie massacre and 1983
elections, India 's
federal government tried to soothe local sentiments by signing an accord with
the All Assam Students Union (AASU) in 1985 which was leading the pogrom against
the Bengali-speaking minorities there. The
hard-line Assamese, however, later described the 1985 accord as a
"betrayal" and decided to wage an armed campaign against India to secede from India .
Twenty nine years after the Nellie massacre, a group of the
separatist United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) is now negotiating with Delhi , asking for more
concrete protection for indigenous populations against what they falsely
describe as "relentless illegal migration from across the border".
The Bengali-speaking people in Assam have also
become more assertive these days with the
formation of the Assam United Democratic Front under a charismatic leader which
seeks to protect the rights of minorities and their periodic ousting from
settlements through violence. In 2011, it emerged as the main opposition to Assam 's ruling
Congress party, winning three times the number of seats won by regional
Assamese parties and the Hindu nationalist BJP, which promotes Hindutva.
It is this emerging political
prowess of the Bengali people in Assam which is being exploited as a
boogeyman by the ruling Congress party and the Hindu extremists to promote or
be indifferent to periodic rioting that engulfs the region. Four years ago, the
Indian Army had to be called in to stop blood-letting. More than 100 Bengali Muslims were killed in one such raid
at Bansbari, a makeshift camp for displaced Muslims in 1993.
The latest pogrom has
affected four districts of western Assam , where the Bengalis (mostly
Muslims) are pitted against tribes-people such as the Bodos, Rabhas and Garos. In Kokrajhar, the Bodo heartland, which is also called the "chicken neck" -- the strategically vital
corridor that connects the north-east of India to the rest of the country --
Muslims are regularly attacked by Bodo separatist rebels and this periodically
erupts into full-scale riots. This latest
conflict has left about 40 dead (all Bengali-speaking Muslims) and displaced
tens of thousands.
As noted by Indian political
commentator Aijaz Zaka Syed, “As usual, Muslims were caught in the deadly games
of the Congress and assorted separatist groups. Our Hindutva benefactors added
fuel to the fire by raising the specter of invasion by Bangladeshi Muslims. The
same drama is being re-enacted today with consequences that could be even
deadlier. Yet unlike in the past, this conflict isn’t communal or religious in
nature. It’s an economic struggle for the land and dwindling natural
resources.”
In this latest pogrom, entire
villages have been burnt down while the state administration remains curiously
clueless and indifferent. Delhi insists Assam chief
minister Tarun Gogoi is “monitoring the situation” and doing everything
possible to restore peace. “This is little comfort to the community, though,
which increasingly lives in fear, worrying the worst may be yet to
come. Gogoi is yet to visit the affected areas. Not even a flying,
whirlwind tour for the cloistered satrap,” writes Syed.
If the local Assamese administration and the federal Indian government are serious about the well-being of Assamese/Bengali Muslims as well as other communities living in
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