Do the Rohingyas qualify as victims of genocide?
The
Genocide Convention was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations
in 1948 and entered into force in 1951. It declares that genocide is a crime
under international law.
Article II of the Genocide
Convention defines genocide as: any of the following acts committed with
intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or
religious group, as such:
- Killing members of the group;
- Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the
group;
- Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
- Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the
group;
- Forcibly transferring children of the group to another
group.
Genocide is a serious
crime that cannot be used lightly. It is the ultimate denial of the right to existence of an entire group
of human beings. As such, it is the quintessential human rights crime because
it denies its victims’ very humanity.
In the last eight months, since
August 2017, some 700,000 natives of Arakan (or the Rakhine state) – the
Rohingya Muslims and Hindus – have been forced to leave their ancestral homes
to settle in Bangladesh as refugees. They left behind everything that was once important
to them and even family members – as their properties were looted before being
burned down with living family members inside. The International
Rescue Committee estimated that there were 75,000 victims of gender-based
violence (meaning rape), and that
45% of the Rohingya women attending safe spaces in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh
had reported such attacks. Thousands of men and women
were killed as part of a very sinister national campaign that was planned and
executed by the Myanmar (formerly Burma) government and its partners-in-crime
amongst the Buddhist people, esp. within the Rakhine (formerly Arakan) state.
Do the Rohingyas qualify
as victims of genocide?
Genocide experts tell us
that genocide is a process that usually goes through several stages. The first four
of the five stages are the early warnings:
1. Classification and Symbolization
2. Dehumanization and Discrimination
3. Organization and Polarization
4. Preparation
5. Execution
1. Classification is a primary method of
dividing a society or polity into heterogeneous groups and symbolization is often used to cement divisive
identities between groups, which is then used to justify crimes against the
targeted group.
i. Rakhine Buddhists vs. Rohingya Muslims in the Rakhine state of Myanmar is a clear case where the Muslim minority is distinguished based on its ethnicity, race and religion. They are derogatorily called the Kala or Kalar people (synonymous to the English word ‘nigger’).
i. Rakhine Buddhists vs. Rohingya Muslims in the Rakhine state of Myanmar is a clear case where the Muslim minority is distinguished based on its ethnicity, race and religion. They are derogatorily called the Kala or Kalar people (synonymous to the English word ‘nigger’).
ii. In
spite of their long history of existence in Arakan, the Rohingyas of Myanmar are
accused of being “Bengalis” or “Chittagonians” (even ‘terrorists’ who had
intruded illegally into Myanmar who want to “Islamize” the “Buddhist” Myanmar.
iii. As a high-profile refugee case highlighted the plight of
the Rohingya, Ye
Myint Aung, the Burmese Consulate-General in Hong Kong, wrote to foreign missions in Hong Kong in Feb. 2009 insisting
that the Rohingyas should not be described as being from Burma, the South China
Morning Post reported. He said that the Rohingyas are of ‘dark
brown’ complexion and ‘ugly as ogres’ compared to ‘fair and soft skin’ people
of Burma.
2. The dominant group uses either
political power or muscle, laws and regulations to deny rights of the targeted
group to further discriminate and persecute it. Then it robs the victim’s humanity by comparing it with animals, parasites, insects, diseases or ‘virus’.
When a group of people is thought of as “less than human” it is easier for the dominant
group to murder them. At this
stage, hate propaganda in print and on hate radios is used to make the victims
seem like villains.
Dehumanization of the targeted group is used
as the sufficient rationale to justify discriminatory laws and practices.
i. Rohingyas
were declared non-citizens via the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law, effectively
making them stateless. The legal experts contend
that the Burmese Citizenship Law violates several fundamental principles of
international customary law standards, offends the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and leaves Rohingyas
exposed to no legal protection of their rights
ii. Rohingyas are denied all and everyone of the 30 basic human rights
enshrined in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). They are denied access to public
schools, colleges and universities, hospitals and medical centers, government
jobs, etc.; even their movement inside the country and the Rakhine state is
restricted.
iii. Rakhine extremists and
intellectuals (like Dr. Aye
Chan) depicted the Rohingya people as ‘influx viruses’ – the ‘illegal
Muslims of Arakan’ that needed to be eliminated. [Influx Viruses: The Illegal Muslims in Arakan
By U Shw zan and Dr. Aye Chan]
iv. Another Buddhist extremist,
Khin
Maung Saw depicts Rohingyas as the camel in a Burmese fable that dislodged
its owner from his tent, waring fellow Arakanese Buddhists against the
Rohingyas whom he calls as “Chittagonian Bengalis” - “the guest who want to
kick out the Host from his own house”.
3. Genocide is a group crime.
Thus, it always needs organized efforts, usually
by the state and sometimes by the non-state actors. Special army units or militias are often trained and armed.
Plans are made for ‘final solution’ or genocidal killings. Extremist hate groups drive the groups apart; they are
tolerated and encouraged to polarize and terrorize
the targeted victims. Laws are formulated to forbid social and economic
interactions with the targeted victims. Public demonstrations are held against
the targeted group.
i. The
Rohingyas have been depicted as a demographic “bomb” for Myanmar.
ii. The
elimination of the Rohingya and other Muslims has been a national project,
since at least General Ne Win’s time (1962-88).
iii. Genocidal crimes against the
Rohingya people have been planned and executed by the Burmese governments since
Ne Win’s time, enjoying extensive support and active participation from the Buddhist
community – politicians, academics, monks and the public alike, let alone the members
of the state apparatus at both central (Myanmar) and local (Rakhine state)
levels, esp. the police and security forces. At least 18 military operations (excluding
the NaSaKa operations between 1992-2012) were carried out against the Rohingya
people since Burma had won its independence from the Great Britain in 1948 in
which more than a million Rohingyas were forced to become refugees in many
parts of the world, esp. Bangladesh, Pakistan and the Gulf States.
iv. Scores of government-sponsored
public demonstrations (including those organized by Buddhist monks) were held
since the transfer of power from military regimes to Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian/military
regime and the current Suu Kyi’s government demanding strong actions –
including deportation and/or elimination of the Rohingya and other Muslims in
Myanmar.
4.
Preparation is made to eliminate or exterminate the
targeted group. It often uses euphemisms to cloak
their sinister intentions, such as referring to their goals as “isolation,” ‘surgical
operations,’ “ethnic cleansing,” “purification,” or “counter-terrorism.” They indoctrinate
the populace with fear of the victim group. Leaders often claim, “If we don’t
kill them, they will kill us.” Attacks
are often staged and blamed on targeted groups. Victims’ properties are
destroyed or confiscated. They are forced to leave their homes and/or encamped
in concentration camps.
i. The genocidal pogroms of
2012, depicted as ‘race riots’
by the regime, were prompted by the false rumor – planted by the security
forces - that two ‘Rohingya’ youths had killed a Rakhine woman – Thida Htwe - after
raping her.
ii. In the so-called race
riots of 2012, some 140,000 Rohingyas were displaced from their homes, which
were burned down by joint operations of the security-cum-Buddhist mon-cum-Rakhine
mobs in the Rakhine state. Internally displaced Rohingyas were forced to live
in ‘concentration-like’ camps with little or no medical assistance.
iii. Thousands of Rohingyas are
feared dead trying to flee Myanmar since 2012.
iv. More than two-thirds of the
Rohingya (i.e., estimated at 2 million) were pushed out of Myanmar before the latest
genocidal crimes of 2017.
v. Muslim owned homes, businesses
and offices (including madrasa and mosques) were destroyed.
vi. The rape of Rohingya
females, a crime that was to continue until now, was used as a weapon of war to
terrorize the community.
5. Execution of the plan begins, and quickly
becomes the mass killing or elimination of the targeted group, which is legally
called "genocide." It is "extermination" to the killers
because they do not believe their victims to be fully human (see dehumanization).
When it is sponsored by the government, the armed forces often work with private
armies or militia to do the killing. It is always followed by denial of the
crimes by the perpetrators – both during and after genocide. International
press and investigative teams are barred from visiting the affected area and
talk to the victims. Eye-witnesses or whistle-blowers are killed or ‘disappear’.
Evidences of genocide are destroyed.
i. Despite
credible mounting evidences, which were termed either as ‘ethnic cleansing’ or ‘genocidal’,
Suu Kyi’s government denied such accusations. “I don’t think there is ethnic cleaning going
on,” Suu Kyi told the BBC, April 2017.
ii. “It’s
Muslims killing Muslims as well, if they think that they are collaborating with
authorities … It’s a matter of people on different sides of a divide.” – Suu
Kyi said, ibid.
iii. “No
one can fully understand the situation of our country the way we do”. – Suu Kyi
said
iv. Suu
Kyi said the army was “not free to rape, pillage and torture”.
v. Myanmar's
army released a report that
found "no deaths of innocent people” (11/2017)
As the short analysis above
shows, there is no doubt that Rohingyas are victims of state-sponsored genocide.
The findings from dozens of respectable institutions around our globe also
concur. Human rights activists
and genocide experts have been calling the Rohingyas the victims of Genocide. For instance, Dr. Maung Zarni and Alice Cowley in their seminal work “The slow-burning
genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya”, noted that both the State in Myanmar and the
local community have committed four out of five acts of genocide as spelled out
by the 1948 Convention on the Punishment and Prevention of the Crime of
Genocide. Dr. Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein, the departing chief of the UNHRC, said that genocide
against Rohingya Muslims by state forces in Myanmar cannot be ruled out.
What is worse, the Rohingyas are victims of Myanmarism, a
toxic cocktail
of ultra-nationalism (Bama supremacy) and religious (Theravada Buddhism) fanaticism
that
draws its inspiration from Laukathara
– a popular literary work of the early 14th century. In this ugly ideology
in which religion and race mingle to define how Buddhists in Myanmar should
behave and conduct their affairs, there is no place for non-Buddhists to live. Nurtured
by the military generals, who saw themselves as reincarnation of the 11th
century warrior-king, it’s simply the worst of all forms of extremism that the
world has ever seen since at least the rise and fall of German/Italian
Nazism/fascism. And yet, sadly, it is the least known evil. It needs to be defeated before the Rohingyas
become an extinct race.
I
often question what is the basis for a nation’s claim to independence or self-determination?
Must a people wander in the wilderness for two millennia and suffer repeated
persecution, humiliation and genocide to qualify? Until now, history’s answer
to the question has been pragmatic and brutal – a nation is a people tough
enough to grab the land it wants and hangs onto it. Period!
How about the rights of a minority community
to survive with its culture and traditions intact? Do the victims need to be
‘children’ of a ‘higher’ God or follow Judeo-Christian morality to qualify?
What makes the children of a ‘lesser’ God to be forgotten and denied the same
treatment and privilege that was granted hitherto to the people of East Timor
and South Sudan? Could not a U.N.-sponsored plebiscite determine the fate of
the Rohingyas of our time to decide for themselves what is best for them –
whether they need a protected homeland of theirs in the northern Arakan or they
want to remain as full citizens of Myanmar with all their alienable rights
granted and protected under the UDHR?
The UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres rightly noted last
December (2017), “Genocide does not happen by accident; it is deliberate, with
warning signs and precursors.” “Often it is the culmination of years of exclusion,
denial of human rights and other wrongs.”
Surely, the genocide
of the Rohingyas of Myanmar is not happening by accident; it’s a deliberate act
– albeit slowly but steadily - by successive murderous regimes providing enough
warning signs for the world community to stop this monumental crime. The 1982
Citizenship Law provided the very justification for the Myanmar regime towards
the elimination of the minority races like the Rohingya. It was no accident
that Myanmar had witnessed, since 2012, a series of genocidal pogroms, mostly
directed against the minority Rohingya and other Muslims. The terrorist monk
Wirathu, who heads the fascist organization Ma Ba Tha, became the Buddhist face
of terrorism, xenophobia, intolerance, and hatred. In the name of protecting
Buddhism nearly a million Muslims have been violently displaced or uprooted from
their homes all over Myanmar; thousands were killed. The eliminationist policy of
genocide – endorsed from the top and preached and justified by Buddhist monks –
became THE national project inside Myanmar, enjoying moral and material support
at every level of the Buddhist society.
I often ponder: how will our generation be judged by our posterity for letting the genocide of the Rohingya to continue for this long? Shame on us if we fail to stop Rohingya genocide!
I often ponder: how will our generation be judged by our posterity for letting the genocide of the Rohingya to continue for this long? Shame on us if we fail to stop Rohingya genocide!
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