India: ‘Beef Lynching’ in India: Exploring the Causes of Religiously Motivated Violence
by Suparna Banerjee
Ever since its foundation in 1980, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) propagated Hindu nationalism in India claiming that the Hindu majority is in danger. Muslims, the largest minority, were targeted because this political rhetoric required an ‘enemy’ to legitimize the narrative. Part of the ideology of Hindutva, which aims at creating a Hindu nation, is its polarizing strategy of pitting the two communities against each other. Lynchings of Muslims became the most visible outcome where the broader Hindutva ideology began to be accepted as a righteous instrument to deal with the ‘enemy.’2 The consumption of beef by Muslims is one of the main reasons for lynching.
Hindus consider cows their sacred animal. This article aims to contribute to understanding the rise in lynching of Muslims by contextualizing the political rhetoric of the BJP and subsequently suggests ways to address it.
Table 1 demonstrates the steady rise in cow-related violence during the first term of the Modi Government. Official data beyond 2018 is unavailable. Although the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) collected data on mob lynching and hate crimes in 2017, this endeavor was stopped due to ‘unreliability’ of the data.3
The following cases of lynching of Muslims became prominent after 2014:
2015 – Mohammad Akhlaq and his son were dragged from their homes in Uttar Pradesh (UP) after a local temple had announced that a cow had been slaughtered and its meat was preserved in the refrigerator of Akhlaq. The mob beat Akhlaq to death while his son survived with grievous injury.
2017 – 55-year-old dairy farmer Pehlu Khan from the state of Haryana was returning from Rajasthan after purchasing dairy cattle. He was lynched to death by vigilante groups comprising around 200 people after rumor spread that cows were being transported to a slaughter house. A video of the lynching was recorded which subsequently went viral.8 2017 – 16-year-old boy Junaid Khan along with his brother was riding on a train. He was asked to provide a seat by an elderly man which he immediately did. But subsequently a crowd of 25 men surrounded him and began chanting “beefeaters” and “Pakistani”.9 Junaid was stabbed and died.10 2019 – Tabrez Ansari was lynched to death by a mob in the state of Jharkhand. He was tied to a tree and forced to chant the Hindu religious slogan “Jai Shree Ram” (Hail Lord Rama). He was beaten and killed on the rumors of bike theft. A recording of this went viral.11
2023 – Mohammad Ishaq, a vegetable seller from New Delhi, was tied to a pole and beaten to death by a mob for ‘stealing’ prasad (a ritualistic offering). This happened during a prayer event organized to celebrate the Hindu religious festival of Ganesh Chaturthi. A video of the incident was recorded and eventually went viral.12
The following commonalities are visible when looking at the broader range of cases reported in table 1: First, the victims of lynchings are often lower-caste and low er-class male Muslims. Secondly, the theatre of these incidents gradually moved away from rural to more prominent urban places. Finally, the spread of the incidents through social media by the attackers and prominent individuals create a spectacle.
The future of lynching – plausible scenarios Though some reports suggest a decline in lynching since 2017, this can be misleading. There has plausibly been a ‘decline’ in lynchings due to judicial intervention, political compulsions, and lower reporting. However, this does not mean that there is no longer violence against Muslims, which has merely assumed different forms.
Researcher Niranjan Sahoo and journalist Nitin Sethi point to the rise of “bulldozer politics,”23 which began in UP and spread to states like MP, Haryana, Assam, and Uttarakhand. Here, the homes of minorities and activists have been demolished under the guise of targeting illegal con struction.24 However, the Supreme Court (SC) banned this practice in November 2024, a decision that can be read as a reminder of the need for vigilance in ensuring justice for all.25
Judicial intervention has further attempted to curb mob lynchings. For instance, in a writ petition filed by Tehseen Poonawalla and Tushar Gandhi against the rising cases of mob lynchings in the country, the SC ruled that, “no individual in his own capacity or as a part of the group can take law into his or their hands and deal with a person treating him as guilty.”26 The Court also issued specific guidelines to minimize the threat.
The ban on cow slaughter negatively impacts electoral prospects, as it burdens voters’ finances across religious and caste lines. Columnist Ram Puniyani pointed out the issues stemming from the rise in stray cattle, such as increased maintenance costs and road accidents. Small farmers often cannot afford to maintain unproductive cattle, leading them to let these animals roam freely, resulting in accidents and crop damage.27 Furthermore, stray cows have been linked to an increase in human fatalities.28 The economic impact of the ban on cow slaughter went beyond Muslim communities. It affected the electoral agenda of the BJP as people across the spectrum had to bear the brunt forcing the party to reduce its rhetoric on lynching.
Intimidation of journalists who are booked under false charges for reporting on lynching also acts behind its apparent ‘absence’ from public view. The means and tac tics have transformed to adjust to the changing times and circumstances which does not necessarily imply the absence of it. Therefore, it is too early to write the epitaph of lynching which evolved into an effective tool of promoting Hindutva ideology.
The way forward: How can lynching as a tool for political mobilization be addressed? Since the social media circulation of lynchings has become key in the nurturing of the political atmosphere around the lynching practice, a structured approach to promoting media literacy and responsible online behavior should be central to the curriculum and youth education since education is included in the Concurrent List of the Indian Constitution where both the state and central government have power to be considered. BJP is not in power of all state governments.29 By doing so, the spread of violence in digital spaces and its influence on political mobilization could be significantly limited.
Civil society groups can play a vital role in providing political education to ordinary citizens. This helps ensure that the basic demands and rights of the public are not overlooked amidst the chaos of religious identity and the violence wielded as a political tool by the right-wing government in the country.
Discussions about violence against minorities and human rights are often sidelined by countries forming strategic partnerships with India, as they fear losing competitive advantages. This oversight leads to insufficient monitor ing of violent acts. Geopolitical interests must align with the basic human rights guarantees among partner coun tries. India’s partners should make good use of their influence in this regard.
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