Killed Before They Die: Myanmar’s Persecuted Rohingyas and Perennial Forced Migration Crisis at Sea
Rohingya people are forced to choose between genocidal persecution at home or risking death at sea. Many end up doing both.
A. Kasim on May 22, 2026I recall earlier years of this crisis when boat journeys were already becoming common for Rohingya people. After 2010, the scale changed sharply. Many Rohingya individuals from Arakan including young people, elders and women began leaving in larger numbers. The reason was not about finding an opportunity. It was about survival. Life in Arakan became harder due to lack of income, movement restrictions, and the pressure of supporting large families by a single individual.
Most Rohingya head for Saudi Arabia, Thailand, or Malaysia, while few in nearby countries. Saudi Arabia, however, requires air travel, which is far beyond the reach of most Rohingya families. Thailand, sometimes, needs capital to start even small work, which most daily workers are not able to afford. Malaysia, however, became the main destination for most of the Rohingya because it was the only realistic option for many poor households.
“Skeletons and Skulls Scattered Everywhere”: Arakan Army Massacre of Rohingya Muslims in Hoyyar Siri, Myanmar | HRW
How people leave without money
Most journeys begin with debt. Families borrow money from neighbors or money lenders, often at very high interest rates. When they arrive in Malaysia, many are already in serious debt. The first years are spent only working to repay what they owe. Only after that do they think about supporting their families, and for some, that moment never comes.
After 2013, the migration system changed further. Brokers and traffickers became more organized. People were collected for boat journeys, sometimes under false promises. A “pay later” system became common, but it often turned into control and extortion once people were already in transit or at sea. Families were contacted and forced to send money under threats.
By 2015, another painful pattern became more visible. Women faced serious risks during these journeys. Sea travel could last from several days to weeks. In that time, many were exposed to abuse and violence. Survivors often arrived deeply traumatized. In some cases, families still pushed for marriages later because of the financial burden already spent on the journey.
Since 2017, deaths at sea have increased further. Boats are often overcrowded and unsafe. Storms, engine failure, and abandonment by crews are quite common. Many who survive detention in other countries face long periods of uncertainty.
A personal account
I recall one incident from 2022. A boat carrying around 90 people that left from the coast of Sittwe. After a few days at sea, the vessel was caught in a storm near waters close to Yangon and began to sink. The captain, knowing the situation, left the boat. Passengers were left without guidance in dangerous conditions. One child managed to make a final call home before contact was lost.
Later, reports confirmed that 17 people had died and around 30 were rescued, while others remained missing. It was not an isolated case. Similar tragedies continue across the region.
Why does this continue
The answer, however, is not simple. Life of Rohingyas in Arakan is defined by a pattern of restrictions that shape nearly every aspect of daily existence. Movement is tightly controlled, often requiring official permission even for short distances. Checkpoints and surveillance limit access to essential services such as hospitals, schools, and markets. As a result, many people remain confined to their immediate areas, with little chance to seek better opportunities elsewhere.
Livelihood options are limited and unstable. Most Rohingya rely on daily wage labor, small-scale farming, or fishing, yet these activities are constrained by restricted land access, regulated fishing zones, and difficulty reaching markets. Income is unpredictable and often insufficient to meet basic needs. Even consistent effort does not guarantee stability, and many households struggle to secure enough food and essentials.
Legal insecurity further deepens this situation. Under frameworks such as the Myanmar Citizenship Law of 1982, Rohingya are denied recognized citizenship, leaving them without formal rights or protection. This lack of status affects access to services, freedom of movement, and any sense of long-term security. Daily life unfolds within a system where there is little legal recourse against exploitation or abuse.
Aerial view of a burned Rohingya village in Rakhine state, Myanmar – September 2017. Wikpedia Commons
Family responsibilities add another layer of pressure. Larger households often depend on a single income, while living costs continue to rise. Debt becomes a common coping mechanism, tying families to cycles of repayment that are difficult to escape. Young people grow up aware of the expectation to support their families, yet face structural barriers that limit their ability to do so.
Access to education is severely restricted. Schooling opportunities are limited, and higher education is largely inaccessible due to both movement controls and institutional barriers. This constrains future prospects and reinforces long-term economic vulnerability. Healthcare services are also inadequate, with under-resourced local facilities and limited access to hospitals. Delays in receiving care can have serious consequences, particularly in emergencies.
Within this context, daily life is marked by uncertainty. Decisions are often shaped by immediate needs whether work will be available, whether food will be sufficient, or whether movement will be permitted without difficulty. Over time, these conditions create a sustained sense of pressure.
This crisis also carries a painful contradiction. Many of the brokers involved come from the same community. Victims and exploiters often share the same background. Families trying to save their children sometimes end up placing them in the hands of people who profit from their desperation.
The result is a cycle where people are forced to choose between suffering at home or risking death at sea. Many end up doing both. This is a cycle of oppression that ends lives long before death arrives.
A. Kasim
Kasim is a Rohingya writer, translator, and researcher focused on Rohingya affairs and regional politics.
Further readings:
The Rohingya, Gaza, and Two Genocides the World Refuses to End
Aung San Suu Kyi and the world of Buddhist Islamophobia
Buddhist Nationalism in Burma
Tun Mrat Naing attempts to erase Rohingya identity and history
Why The Gambia wants Myanmar punished for Rohingya genocide
The Slow-Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya
Citizenship and Genocide Cards: IDs, Statelessness and Rohingya Resistance in Myanmar
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