“The right to self-determination
and sovereignty is at the heart of our national movements. We will see whether
a Federal Union of Myanmar will have the political space for the kind of
confederation that our Arakanese people aspire to.”
Maj-Gen Twan Mrat Naing, chief of
Arakan Army (AA), spoke these words in response to this question during an
interview with Asia Times: “Is your final goal independence for Arakan
(Rakhine) or autonomy within a federal union? What kind of future state
structure do you envisage for Myanmar?”
The above question and answer can
be seen as an alert to the current political turmoil in Myanmar by the Arakan
Army (AA), and offers a glimpse of the ethnic armed group’s political agenda.
Maj-General Twan Mrat Naing, 43, is arguably the youngest and most successful
revolutionary leader in Myanmar. His political ideology is also seen in
Myanmar’s political arena as a source of freshness and foresight.
The internal armed conflict that
erupted with independence in Myanmar has lasted for more than 70 years. The
reason for these conflicts is that the ethnic armed groups have resisted
decades of dictatorial edicts and a lack of equal rights and self-determination
under Myanmar’s centralised system.
As a result, various ethnic
groups, including the Arakan Army, have sprung up and are still fighting
against dictators — most recently those who installed themselves as the
country’s leaders in last year’s coup.
Federalism Fading?
The term federal union is not
new. In the past, it has been the main focus of ethnic armed groups. However,
the so-called federal political path has disappeared under the central control
of the military dictatorship.
After the military coup on
February 1, 2021, the political term “federalism” was voiced more loudly among
some EAOs (both signatories and non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire
Agreement), as well as the National Unity Government (NUG) and People’s Defence
Forces (PDFs).
However, despite the federal
common ground between the abovementioned stakeholders and prominent actors in
Myanmar’s peace process, there is no clear path forward. As a result, in the
current context, Maj-General Twan Mrat Naing is looking to step toward
confederation politics.
A confederation envisions
multiple sovereign states or territories coming together without compromising
their individual sovereignties.
In his interview with Asia Times,
Maj-General Twan Mrat Naing wisely said: “We would prefer to remain with our
[ethnic] brothers and sisters, but if our rightful political status which we
desire is not accommodated within this union, it would behoove us to be a
member of the international community on our own.”
The International Community
Starts Next Door
The first step toward becoming a
member of the international community on our own would be to shore up relations
with Arakan State’s neighbour Bangladesh.
In an interview with Prothomalo
Alo, a news outlet in Bangladesh, Maj-General Twan Mrat Naing said Arakan Army
troops were active along the Bangladesh-Arakan border and that they did not
want the Bangladeshi government to be put in an awkward position.
“The Arakan Army wants good
relations with Bangladesh and especially wants the people of Bangladesh to know
the realities of our struggle. Bangladesh can give the Arakan Army political,
economic or other views on various issues,” said Maj-Gen Twan Mrat Naing.
He also said that the Arakan Army
was trying to hold informal talks with Bangladeshi authorities about the return
of Muslims who fled Myanmar in 2016-17, but had not yet received a reply.
In light of the above, the Arakan
Army seems to be considering Bangladesh’s desire for an alliance and taking
into account many other cross-border issues.
Bangladesh and the Arakan Army
have expressed their desire to strengthen military, political, economic,
cultural and diplomatic ties. The Arakan Army issued a statement on February 20
in honour of International Mother Language Day, which falls on February 21.
The statement said: “Our
grandparents in Bengal [Bangladesh] and Arakan have struggled to establish
their own culture and nations along the Bay of Bengal, and there remains a
natural bond between Bangladesh and the region and its people.”
The statement added: “It is a
matter of pride for the Arakan Army to write a statement of solidarity on
behalf of the people of Arakan, and the return of the sovereignty of Arakan to
our people is the ultimate goal of our national liberation movement.
“We are keen to build a better
future for military, political, economic, cultural and diplomatic relations
between Arakan State and Bangladesh. Bangladesh should be a good friend of
Arakan State.”
Another consideration is that
ethnic armed organisations elsewhere in Myanmar remain in control of their
influence along the Chinese and Thai borders. They are seen managing their own
border crossings.
For example, the Karen National
Union (KNU) controls significant stretches of the Thai-Myanmar border while
Kachin Independence Army (KIA), United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar National
Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA)
remain in control or influential on the Myanmar-China border. Similarly, the
Arakan Army must be able to establish good relations with Bangladesh by
controlling the Bangladesh-Arakan border, controlling trade and economic links.
A significant advantage for the
Arakan Army in this regard is the large number of local Arakanese villages in
Bangladesh.
‘The Interests of Our People
First’
A ULA/AA delegation led by U Oo
Hla Saw attended the Diamond Jubilee Union Day celebrations on February 12 in
Naypyidaw. Criticism has risen among some Arakanese and politicians in mainland
Myanmar over the decision to attend. The Arakan Army, meanwhile, said it was
attending the Union Day celebrations in the interest of the Arakanese people.
“The ULA/AA has always put the
interests of our people first. That is why we are working with practical
negotiations, taking into account the interests of our people,” U Khaing
Thukha, a spokesperson for the Arakan Army, wrote on his Facebook page.
On that day, the military council
dropped the case and released 46 people linked to the Arakan Army (AA),
although no other EAOs’ affiliates were released. From this, it can be said
that a compromise was reached between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army.
It should be noted, however, that the Arakan Army’s policy is to hold talks
with the National Unity Government as well as the Myanmar military in the
national interest.
At present, no one can say how or
whether Myanmar’s federal political dream might come true. Most Arakanese
people are aware of the frustrations of Myanmar’s democratic politics in the
past. As a result, the Arakan Army is waiting to see if it will be guaranteed
the right to secede in a unique way, or how much freedom it will have to create
its own destiny.
In short, the Arakan Army has
little faith in joining the shadow of a new Myanmar’s federal government. In
addition, the right to self-determination depends on the attitude of the
authorities and the leaders of the Burmese forces.
As a result, the Arakan Army is
looking for a new political landscape or a new political path in Myanmar.
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