May 12, 2022
Pursuing Justice and Accountability: Next Steps for the Rohingya
Community of Burma – On March 21, 2022, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken
announced the Biden Administration had determined that the atrocities committed
by the Burmese military, known as the Tatmadaw, against the Rohingya community
constitute genocide and crimes against humanity. This factsheet provides an
overview of the international crimes committed by the Tatmadaw underlying this
designation. It also explores the three ongoing international legal cases
seeking justice for the Rohingya and highlights actions the U.S. government has
taken to support these cases. While this determination acknowledges the gravity
of the crimes committed against the Rohingya community and affirms their human
rights and dignity, it must be followed by increased action to promote justice
and accountability. To this aim, this factsheet reiterates USCIRF’s
recommendations from its 2022 Annual Report on how the U.S. government can
further support justice for Rohingya survivors and ensure that the genocide
determination paves the way toward meaningful accountability.
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On March 21, 2022, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken
announced the Biden Administration had determined that the atrocities committed
by the Burmese military, known as the Tatmadaw, against the Rohingya community
constitute genocide and crimes against humanity. This determination was based
on a factual assessment and legal analysis conducted by the U.S. Department of
State, which included reviewing documentation by independent sources, as well
as the State Department’s 2018 survey and analysis of over 1,000 Rohingya
refugees in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. In the wake of the U.S. government’s
genocide determination, this factsheet provides an overview of the underlying
genocide and crimes against humanity committed by the Tatmadaw against
Rohingyas.
As highlighted in USCIRF’s May 2021 hearing on Ending Genocide -
U.S. Government Genocide Determinations and Next Steps, the Rohingya genocide
determination is important as it acknowledges the gravity of the crimes
committed against Rohingyas and affirms their human rights and dignity. This
determination must be followed by increased action to promote justice and
accountability. In his speech announcing the genocide determination, Secretary
Blinken emphasized the need for truth and accountability in the wake of these
mass atrocities. He highlighted three ongoing legal cases that represent an
unprecedented use of the international justice system to hold the Burmese
government and officials accountable for atrocities committed against
Rohingyas. These cases are significant as there has generally been impunity
within Burma for these crimes. Some observers have argued this impunity paved
the way for the ongoing post-coup violence, which has included increased
Tatmadaw persecution of other ethno-religious communities in Burma.
Building on USCIRF’s Spotlight on Rohingya Genocide
Determination and Accountability, this factsheet provides an overview of the
current pathways toward justice in the international legal system and
highlights actions the U.S. government has taken to support these cases.
Further, it reiterates USCIRF’s recommendations made in the 2022 Annual Report
on how the U.S. government can further support justice for Rohingya survivors
and pave the way towards meaningful accountability.
Background
The military government of Burma, which lasted from 1962 until
2011, maintained power in part through a divide-and-conquer strategy that
pitted Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims against each other. In Rakhine State,
this strategy entailed turning ethnic Rakhine against their Rohingya neighbors,
a predominantly Muslim ethnic group. Reflecting this strategy, the government
in 1982 stripped Rohingyas of citizenship and subsequently allowed violence,
discrimination, and human rights abuses against Rohingya Muslims to occur with
impunity.
As USCIRF consistently reported in Annual Reports and
other publications, during the period of quasi-democratic government which
lasted from 2011 until the military coup on February 1, 2021, conditions for
Rohingya and other religious communities continued to deteriorate. Rohingyas
continued to be disenfranchised, and the civilian government enabled, and in
some instances, furthered intolerance and violence against them. In August
2017, the Tatmadaw launched a particularly widespread and brutal attack on
Rohingyas. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in
Myanmar (Burma) documented instances of Burmese military units involved in
indiscriminate killings of civilians, mass rapes, disappearances, arbitrary
arrests, looting, and property destruction. The violence resulted in thousands
of Rohingya dead, hundreds of thousands internally displaced, and millions
dispersed throughout the region. The civilian government, led by the National
League for Democracy (NLD), rejected and denied reported atrocities committed
by the military. The February 1, 2021 coup exacerbated conditions and caused
the deterioration of basic human rights, including religious freedom, for all
ethnic and religious communities. As of March 2022, there were 155,610
registered Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia and 926,561
registered Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.
In opposition to the military junta, members of the NLD and
others have formed the National Unity Government (NUG). The NUG has attempted
to unite the nonTatmadaw-controlled areas of Burma and coordinate the various
armed ethnic groups to stand against the military junta. While the NUG has not
yet committed to fully embracing an agenda of religious freedom and equality,
it has pledged to undo decades of abuse and disenfranchisement of the Rohingya
community. Members of the NUG issued personal statements of apologies to the
community.
Ongoing International Legal Cases
This section provides an overview of the three international
legal cases seeking justice for the Rohingya. The three cases are each distinct
legal proceedings at different stages, with unique mandates and focuses. While
there is some overlap among these cases, each provides an opportunity for
accountability.
1. International Court of Justice (ICJ): In November 2019, The
Gambia, on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), initiated a
case at the ICJ against Burma claiming the country had violated the Genocide
Convention in its 2017 crackdown on Rohingyas. The Gambia asked the Court to
declare Burma responsible for violations of the Genocide Convention, to order
the cessation of such violations, and to order reparations and restitution for
the Rohingya victims of the genocide. The Gambia also requested provisional
measures to require Burma to immediately take certain actions to protect
Rohingyas, including preventing all genocidal acts and preserving evidence of
such acts. The ICJ unanimously granted these provisional measures in January
2020.
The Gambia has received legal support from other countries
seeking to uphold the Genocide Convention, including the Maldives. In September
2020, Canada and the Netherlands jointly intervened in the case, specifically
to provide additional legal support and draw attention to crimes related to
sexual and gender based violence. Soon after, in October 2020, The Gambia filed
its full case on the merits. Burma filed preliminary objections to the Court’s
jurisdiction in January 2021, which put a pause on the proceedings on the
merits of the case.
Since the February 2021 military coup, the case has continued,
with The Gambia responding to Burma’s preliminary objections in April 2021.
However, an issue arose regarding the representation of Burma in front of the
ICJ, with both the military junta and the NUG claiming this representation. The
military junta appointed a panel of senior officials to represent Burma’s
delegation before the court, while members of the NUG expressed its intention
to represent Burma in the proceedings. In February 2022, the NUG announced
it had advised the ICJ that Burma accepts the jurisdiction of the
court and withdrew all preliminary objections in the case.
Despite this announcement, the military junta ultimately
appeared before the court at the end of February 2022. The Tatmadaw raised its
preliminary objections, including that the ICJ lacks jurisdiction because
the applicant is the OIC (not The Gambia), and only states may be parties
before the court. Following these proceedings, the court is currently
deliberating and will issue a determination on the preliminary objections. If
the objections are dismissed, the case will move forward on the merits to
determine whether Burma is responsible for violations of the Genocide
Convention. In the meantime, the provisional measures remain in place and
provide a measure of protection to the Rohingya community in Burma.
In June 2020, The Gambia sought content from Facebook related to
the genocide in Burma to assess “responsibility for genocide” in the ICJ
proceedings. This request was based on Facebook’s documented role in
propagating hate speech and expression inciting violence against Rohingyas. In
September 2021, a U.S. district court held that Facebook’s parent company,
Meta, must disclose materials relating to the incitement of hatred against
Rohingyas.
2. International Criminal Court (ICC): There is also an ongoing
investigation at the ICC into the Burmese military’s action in Rakhine State.
The ICC’s investigation is focused on individual criminal responsibility, as
compared to the ICJ case’s focus on state responsibility. In November 2019, the
ICC Pre-Trial Chamber III authorized the Prosecution to open this
investigation. Since Burma is not a party to the Rome Statute, the treaty that
established the ICC, the court’s jurisdiction is limited to certain crimes
against humanity. Notably, this includes persecution based on religious and/or
ethnic grounds and the forced deportation in 2017 of Rohingya into Bangladesh,
an ICC member state, where the crimes were completed. In July 2021, the NUG
filed a communication to the ICC prosecutor calling for expanded jurisdiction
and noting its willingness to sign the Rome Statute, which Rohingya survivors
have supported. The ICC’s jurisdiction could also be expanded to investigate
all crimes, including genocide and atrocities committed against other
ethno-religious communities, through a UN Security Council referral.
The ICC’s investigation remains ongoing. In February 2022, ICC
Prosecutor Karim A. Khan visited Bangladesh to meet with Rohingya refugees for
the first time. During the trip, he reaffirmed the court’s commitment to the
investigation. He also announced that he was allocating additional resources to
the investigative team and seeking to accelerate the collection and analysis of
evidence.
3. Universal Jurisdiction Case in Argentina: Also in November
2019, Rohingya human rights organizations filed a criminal suit in a lower
court in Argentina under the principle of universal jurisdiction. The suit
alleged genocide and crimes against humanity committed against the Rohingya
people. Universal jurisdiction allows prosecution of crimes that are so grave
that all nations should have the authority to hold perpetrators accountable,
regardless of the perpetrator, victim, or where the crimes occurred.
In July 2021, the lower court dismissed the case due to
concerns regarding overlap with the ongoing ICC investigation. However,
Rohingya human rights organizations appealed the decision, arguing that the
case would not duplicate the ICC’s efforts given the ICC’s limited
jurisdiction. As part of the appeals process, in August 2021, Rohingya
survivors of sexual and gender-based violence gave testimony remotely from the
refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. This was the first time that Rohingya survivors
testified regarding the Tatmadaw’s atrocities in a court of law. In November
2021, the appeals court overruled the lower court’s decision and opened a
criminal investigation into the Rohingya genocide in Burma. This case is now
the first universal jurisdiction case related to the Rohingya genocide in the
world.
U.S. Policy to Support Justice for the Rohingya Community
Secretary Blinken noted in the genocide determination
announcement some of the ways that the U.S. government has directly supported
accountability in the Burma context. The United States government has supported
the UN investigative mechanisms to collect, preserve, and analyze evidence of
the most serious international crimes in Burma. He noted this support has
included both information and resources and announced an additional
contribution of $1 million to the current investigative mechanisms. These bodies
are important in preserving evidence that can contribute to accountability
cases and have been instrumental in providing evidence to the ongoing legal
cases. The current mechanisms have collected over 1.5 million items of evidence
and information, including “witness testimonies, documents, photographs,
videos, geospatial imagery, and open source materials.” Secretary Blinken also
noted the U.S. government has shared information with The Gambia in connection
with the ICJ case.
The U.S. government has further supported broader efforts to
promote justice and accountability. As noted in the 2021 Report to Congress
pursuant to the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, the
State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) support
human rights documentation. This includes funding the Global Initiative for
Justice, Truth and Reconciliation, a rapid response mechanism that provides
transitional justice assistance. The work of this Initiative includes support
to Rohingya civil society to document human rights violations and advance
accountability and other forms of transitional justice. The report also noted
the U.S. government had led strong statements by the UN Security Council, UN
Human Rights Council, and G7 condemning the military coup and its leaders, many
of whom were responsible for the mass atrocities against Rohingyas.
To further support accountability, the U.S. government has also
imposed targeted sanctions on the Tatmadaw and military-affiliated cronies and
businesses. While the U.S. Department of Treasury issued new sanctions on
Burmese officials and entities citing human rights violations in December 2021,
most of these sanctions to date have not mentioned religious freedom
violations. In addition, the State Department has designated Burma as a Country
of Particular Concern (CPC) for egregious, ongoing, and systematic violations
of religious freedom since 1999, consistent with USCIRF’s recommendations.
Conclusion
The U.S. government’s designation of the Rohingya genocide is an
important step towards holding the Tatmadaw accountable. As recommended in
USCIRF’s 2022 Annual Report, additional support by the Biden Administration to
the ongoing international legal cases, including by intervening in the ICJ
case, can further ensure that Rohingya survivors obtain recognition.
Accountability measures, alongside other holistic transitional justice
processes, can help Rohingya survivors live in dignity and peace. For decades,
the Tatmadaw refused recognition of the existence of Rohingya. These efforts
toward accountability can help ensure future governments of Burma recognize the
history and humanity of Rohingya. Further, these cases can promote
accountability for crimes committed against other ethno religious communities in
Burma. Beyond providing justice for Rohingyas and other Burmese communities,
these cases can set an important global precedent on the use of the
international legal system to hold perpetrators of genocide and other mass
atrocities accountable, especially in jurisdictions without a connection to the
crimes. To further support accountability, the U.S. government should continue
to impose coordinated sanctions on the Tatmadaw and to isolate its sources of
revenue, working with regional partners such as Japan and Singapore.
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