SINCE August 25, 2017, more than 7, 50,000
Rohingya refugees from Myanmar have fled to Bangladesh. This Rohingya refugee
crisis is among the largest, fastest movements of people in recent history. The
Rohingyas, a mostly Muslim minority ethnic group in predominantly Buddhist
Myanmar, are escaping what the United Nations has described as genocidal
violence that follows decades of persecution and human rights abuses.
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army in Myanmar, armed mostly with swords, machetes and small arms, allegedly
staged a coordinated attack on approximately 30 police posts and an army base
in the Rakhine State. Since these attacks, Aung San Suu Kyi’s administration
had granted increased power to the Tatmadaw (the armed forces of Myanmar) in
Rakhine. Subsequently, the Tatmadaw have launched clearance operations that
have displaced more than 18,000 Rohingyas, have instigated the widespread
burning of civilian villages and have perpetrated a number of crimes against
humanity.
These
atrocities against the Muslim Rohingya are the latest in a long history of
violence and suppression orchestrated by the Buddhist Burmese majority. The
Rohingya are considered illegal immigrants by the Myanmar government, despite
evidence that the Rohingyas have lived in Myanmar for hundreds of years prior
to the colonial rule. The Rohingyas had been denied citizenship since the 1982
Burma Citizenship Law and their freedom of movement and employments have been
restricted ever since.
The ARSA,
previously known as the Faith Movement, arose in response to rampant
anti-Muslim violence in 2012. There are no credible links between the ARSA and
any known terrorist organisations, despite Myanmar’s assertion to the contrary.
The ARSA is seen by some analysts as a ‘paper tiger that… will only prove a
justification… for more severe military operations. With widespread reports of
ethnic cleansing in response to the latest ARSA attack, these appear to be a
legitimate concern.
The
sudden outbreak of violence is a dramatic change to a conflict that had
simmered in Rakhine State since October, 2016. The ARSA staged coordinated
attacks on three military posts on October 9, 2016, which were promptly followed
by disproportionate reprisal operations from the Tatmadaw, displacing more than
75,000 civilians, killing hundreds and causing widespread food
insecurity.
Myanmar’s
security forces had been accused of killing, rape and torture against the
Rohingyas. The UN had been advocating for a fact-finding mission to investigate
these allegations, which the Myanmar civilian government had emphatically
resisted, whilst simultaneously denying journalists and a majority of aid
groups’ access to Rakhine.
Domestic
quandary
THE
government of Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Laureate, struggled with ethnic
tensions in Rakhine state since coming to power in 2016. Aung San Suu Kyi and
her ministers had vehemently denied any persecution of the Rohingyas and,
hoping to deflect further allegations levelled by the UN against their
government, commissioned a Kofi Annan-led investigation earlier this
year.
Even
though the commission was explicitly told by the government not to investigate
alleged human rights violations, the wide-ranging report urgently recommended
addressing restrictions on freedom of movement, religion and citizenship for
the Rohingyas. Although Suu Kyi had promised to implement the commission’s
recommendations, the likelihood of this occurring was doubtful as the Tatmadaw,
which had been consistently critical about the recommendations, still retained
veto power over government decisions.
Although
Suu Kyi had no real power to overrule military operations against the
Rohingyas, her silence and accusations against aid groups as being complicit in
the violence were reprehensible. As a result, there had been numerous calls for
Aung San Suu Kyi to return her Nobel Peace Prize but such demands are symbolic,
ignore Myanmar’s domestic political reality and would do nothing for the
Rohingyas. Indeed, it is the international community who have the power to
influence the Tatmadaw, although unsurprisingly the global response to the
Rohingya crisis had been impotent and insufficient.
International
response
THE
Rohingya crisis and the international community have yet to decide on an
effective response. The longstanding Rohingya crisis in Myanmar and its
subsequent fall out has generated massive human rights violations, becoming a
humanitarian disaster. It is not only an internal matter for Myanmar, as it has
destabilised the regional peace of South and Southeast Asia and triggered a
global outcry. In this write-up, it will be illustrated why major states, such
as China, India, Russia, and the US, have adopted a policy of overlooking the
Rohingya crisis. The world Muslim community has been intentionally excluded the
potential for a prominent leadership role from the already fragile Muslim world
because of both their general absence from the central world leadership and their
preoccupation with their own domestic crises.
The
Rohingya is the largest community among eight prominent Muslim groups in
Myanmar and have lived in its Rakhine State (formerly Arakan) for generations.
They are envisaged by the government and Buddhist population as illegal Bengali
immigrants who came from what is now Bangladesh to Rakhine State as labourers
during the British colonial rule.
At the
start of 2018, a UN team found that Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingyas
amounted to genocide as discussed above. Then, in late January of 2020, the
International Court of Justice ordered Myanmar to take all necessary measures
to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingyas. Though this was a crucial
breakthrough, any verdict from ICJ is virtually worthless unless the UN
Security Council enforces it. However, none of the permanent members of
Security Council or world powers are willing to go beyond providing little
humanitarian aid. The chart below explores why major world players are
reluctant to take action against Myanmar.
All four
of these powerful countries have complex relationships with their domestic
Muslim population. China, India, and Russia have internal problems with
minority Muslim populations — the Uyghur Muslims, Kashmiri Muslims, and Chechen
Muslims respectively. Each state believes that these minority groups pose a
threat to the territorial integrity of their countries and as a result has been
repressing them. Therefore, any criticism or action taken against Myanmar in
defence of the Rohingyas can call into question the internal policies of these
powers against their domestic Muslim populations. For the United States, there
is still trauma from the 9/11 terrorist attacks and its ‘War on Terror,’
Islamophobia has been highly present in the American society. Hence, any robust
action taken by the US against Myanmar could cause a domestic backlash,
especially if the military is used.
Furthermore,
the Rohingya-populated areas of Myanmar have large oil and natural gas reserves
and this has made Myanmar a strategic partner for the major world powers. This
particular area of Myanmar holds great significance for China’s Belt and Road
Initiative, which is an ambitious programme to enhance regional integration.
Similarly, India and Russia’s gas lines and their investment in gas exploration
and extraction projects in Myanmar have made the region a crucial geopolitical
theatre. The American interests with its ‘Pivot to Asia’ policy lie in the
successful strategic ties with Myanmar and contain Chinese market expansion and
influence in Southeast Asia. Additionally, the encirclement policies of China
and India try to counter each other’s influence by establishing a strategic
alliance network with the opposing nation’s neighbours, including Myanmar.
Among all these major powers, however, India is the most dependent on Myanmar,
as it helps it to maintain the stability and security of its Northeast region.
India uses Myanmar’s intelligence and army to counter separatist movements and
insurgencies in the Northeast.
In terms
of arms trade, an UN fact finding team has recently found that Russia, China,
and India are Myanmar’s top arms suppliers. It is likely that these countries
are keeping friendly relationships with the authoritarian Burmese government,
despite its appalling human rights record, in order to maintain this lucrative
arms business.
Clearly,
due to the strategic interests of these powerful states, there is little
appetite for a humanitarian intervention in Myanmar. China, Russia, India, or
the US has the diplomatic will to pressure the Myanmar government to resolve
the crisis in a sustainable and peaceful way. The fate of the Rohingyas will
likely further deteriorate until the dominant powers alter their current
stances and collectively reach a proper and sustainable solution to the
crisis.
India and
China are key regional powers, neighbours and both have acted cruelly towards
the Rohingyas at the behest of Myanmar. China has blocked attempts to
meaningfully address Myanmar’s abusive treatment of the Rohingyas at the United
Nations Security Council, using its veto to create stronger diplomatic ties
with the regime. India, meanwhile, which is deepening military engagement with
Myanmar as a bulwark to Chinese influence, had announced it would deport 40,000
Rohingyas who fled to India for asylum.
Bangladesh,
which has long been a haven for the persecuted Rohingyas, housing around
10,00,000 of them, has been pursuing them back into Myanmar with full
citizenship status and human dignity. The action of India is in clear violation
of international law. The principle of non-refoulement, widely considered to be
part of customary international law, expressly prohibits states from returning
a refugee to a territory where they will be subject to persecution.
The international
community’s response to the violence has been woefully inadequate. The UN, the
United States, members states of European Union and the Organisation of Islamic
Cooperation have issued standard condemnations and Muslim-majority Indonesia
has been the most active, sending their foreign minister for urgent talks with
Myanmar.
However,
condemnations alone are not enough. The international community must adopt a
two-pronged approach to assist the Rohingyas. Firstly, punitive measures, such
as sanctions should be taken against the government of Myanmar to demonstrate
that the international community strongly denounces the actions of the
Tatmadaw. Secondly, and most importantly, the international community must take
immediate action to alleviate the suffering of the Rohingya people by providing
humanitarian relief and proactively assisting the Rohingyas in seeking
asylum. Finally, Bangladesh has succeeded in winning its long drawn
diplomatic tangle with the UN which was vocal against relocating Rohingyas, but
now joined forces with the government.
Bangladesh
and the United Nations signed a formal document on October 10, 2021, ending a
long wait for a much-sought UN engagement at Bhasan Char on the humanitarian
front to support the Rohingyas relocated there. The secretary of the ministry
of disaster management and relief and Bangladesh representative of UNHCR, the
UN refugee agency signed a memorandum of understanding at the secretariat.
Around 80,000 Rohingyas will be relocated to Bhasan Char from Cox’s Bazar camps
within the next three months. The concerned minister said that the UN and its
agencies have finally taken the right decision and it will be easier for
humanitarian agencies to provide services following the signing of
MoU. The signing of the MoU demonstrates that the UN’s support to the
government’s massive investment in Bhashan Char. The MoU establishes a common
protection and policy framework for the Rohingya humanitarian response on the
island. It is a further expression of the government and people of Bangladesh’s
generosity and support towards the Rohingya population until they can return
safely and sustainably to Myanmar. It is also a reconfirmation of the UN’s
commitment to continue to support Bangladesh in leading the humanitarian programme
for almost 1.1 million Rohingyas refugees in the country. The agreement
relating to Bhasan Char allows for close cooperation between the government and
the UN on services and activities to the benefit of the increasing numbers of
Rohingya refugees living on the island.
Key
areas
The UN
response will build upon and complement the humanitarian assistance, so far
provided by Bangladeshi NGOs on the island. Before the signing of
the MoU, the UN held discussions with the Rohingya community in Cox’s Bazar, as
well as those already on the island to better understand their needs and
views.
These
discussions, as well as those with the government counterparts and Bangladeshi
NGOs working on the island, are expected to continue on a regular basis and
further inform any humanitarian and protection responses on Bhasan Char.
The UN
encouraged the international community to increase its generous support to the
humanitarian response in Bangladesh, recognising that the Joint Response Plan
for the Rohingya Humanitarian Response in Cox’s Bazar is underfunded this year.
This support should continue until refugees are able to return to Myanmar in a
safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable manner, which remains a shared
priority of the UN and the government of Bangladesh, as well as the desire of
the Rohingya refugees in the country.
The
numerous challenges associated with the temporary hosting of the persecuted
Rohingyas from Myanmar have compelled the Bangladesh government to plan the
relocation of 100,000 Rohingyas to Bhasan Char.
Bhasan
Char, a temporary shelter for Rohingyas until repatriation, remained unhurt
with no casualty to personnel and livestock during recent cyclones, officials
said. During his recent visit, former United Nations general assembly
president Volkan Bozkir highly appreciated Bangladesh’s efforts for the
Rohingyas in Bhasan Char, saying it will be another example to the world on how
to deal with refugee issues. ‘I applaud the work done there — the quality of
buildings and all the precautions.’
Bozkir
hoped that this would work well for the Rohingya people, giving them a better
living condition in Bhasan Char.
The
government has re-emphasised that Bhasan Char is completely safe and suitable
for human habitation. The 30-year-old island has all the amenities, including
healthcare, clean water, options for economic activities, and cyclone shelters,
officials said. The island offers enough space for the free movement of the
Rohingyas. The officials from the ministry of foreign affairs said it should be
remembered that Rohingyas are Myanmar nationals and Bhasan Char and Cox’s Bazar
camps are temporary arrangements. ‘Bangladesh has temporarily been hosting them
purely out of the humanitarian gesture. Rohingyas want to return to their
homeland, Myanmar, and all need to work constructively to that end,’ a ministry
official said.
Conclusions
AS STATED
above, at least 8,60,000 Rohingyas, mostly women and children entered
Bangladesh fleeing unbridled murder, arson and rape by the Tatmadaw in Rakhine,
what the United Nations has decried as textbook example of ethnic cleansing and
genocide, beginning on August 25, 2017. The latest influx of Rohingyas brought
the number of undocumented and registered Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh to
more than 1.1 million. Not a single Rohingya returned home to Rakhine when the
Myanmar government blocked the repatriation process in various ways. Owing to
critical socio-economic, environmental and security concerns, the Bangladesh
government launched a project of relocating one-tenth of the Rohingyas to
Bhashan Char on a voluntary basis. So far 20,000 Rohingyas have been relocated
to Bhashan Char and they expressed ‘high satisfaction’ over the existing
considerable safe, secured and crime-free environment compared to the ingested
camps in Cox’s Bazar.
Bangladesh
government invested more than US $310 million from its own funds to develop the
13,000-acre island with all amenities and facilities of drinkable water,
electricity, sanitation, agricultural plots, 120 cyclone shelters in each
cluster, two hospitals, four community clinics, mosques, warehouses,
telecommunication services, police station, learning centres and playgrounds.
From the outset, the initiative was called into question by some human rights
organisations and NGOs. However, in the wake of recent visits by high officials
of the international community and donor states, it has been proven that the
allegations against Bangladesh were merely political and propaganda.
Delegates
from the EU, the OIC and the UN all demonstrated their prima facie satisfaction
by seeing the facilities and living conditions of the Rohingya refugees in the
Bhashan Char. Previously, a few INGOs and interest groups disseminated that the
conditions in Bhashan Char are inhabitable and the relocation plan is a wrong
decision of the Bangladesh government. But now all the foreign delegates and
human rights proponents agreed that the decision to relocate some 100,000
Rohingyas to Bhashan Char under the Ashrayan-3 project was a timely decision
for the well-being of the Rohingya community itself. Since the massive influx
of Rohingya people into Bangladesh in August, 2017, Bangladesh has actively
carried out its humanitarian role as a well-meaning state actor. But, has the
international community fulfilled its duty, apart from criticising Bangladesh’s
initiatives and raising inadequate funds for refugees for the time being?
Bangladesh has done its part, and it is now time that the international
community shares the burden and puts pressure on Myanmar to repatriate the
Rohingya refugees.
Bangladesh
is trying to solve the crisis with its utmost efforts using all of its
diplomatic manoeuvres in the bilateral, trilateral and multilateral levels.
Acknowledging the outstanding assistance in hosting 1.1 million Rohingya in
Bangladesh, the US special envoy for climate change John Kerry during his
recent visit to Bangladesh said that the global community must hasten its
efforts to resolve the crisis as it is not merely the responsibility for
Bangladesh. Bangladesh in every multilateral forum has been desperately raising
the issue of the Rohingya crisis as it has a far reaching social, economic,
environmental and security concerns not only for Bangladesh, but also for the
South Asian region. It is ironic, due to lack of goodwill of the concerned parties,
the situation is protracting. All the international community including the UN,
the EU and the OIC members should work in a coordinated way to find a
comprehensive and durable solution to the Rohingya crisis. Signing of the MoU
with the UN on relocation of Rohingyas to Bhasan Char can be seen as wining the
initial diplomatic tangle by Bangladesh and formal acknowledgement of the
crisis by UN which may usher the way of further victory over the issue though
it is still a long and arduous one.
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