Thursday, October 1, 2026

Why Didn’t Netanyahu’s Cabinet Preempt October 7 (if it Knew About it in Advance)?


Following October 7, 2023, the Hamas-led offensive has been portrayed as “Israel’s 9/11,” which came out of the blue. That’s not supported by facts. The Netanyahu cabinet knew about the attack, in advance.

by | Oct 1, 2026 | 3 Comments

In his fiery speech to the UN General Assembly, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pushed back against accusations of genocide levelled against Israel, as many delegates walked out and hundreds of protesters rallied against him across Manhattan.

After Netanyahu had downplayed Israeli settler violence, rejected Gaza genocide and presented a number of misrepresentations, his speech reached its hallucinatory crescendo: “Israel didn’t commit genocide. Israel prevented genocide.”

Netanyahu’s speech was an effort to shift attention away from a political storm brewing in Israel that won’t go away. It failed.

October 7, 2023 was no surprise

A day after October 7, 2023 Eurasia Group’s Ian Bremmer said that the “massive attacks by Hamas leadership into Israel … is no less than Israel’s 9/11.” I fully disagreed. In the same interview for CNBC, I said the attack did not come out of the blue: “The Israeli-Hamas War is a logical result of 50 years of failed military policies.”

Half a decade before. I had written of the ticking time bomb in Gaza. And a day or two before October 7, I warned of the coming explosion. It was not a prophetic insight. That date was the 50-year anniversary of the Yom Kippur War and a high-profile escalation was a no-brainer.

But why wasn’t Hamas’s operation disrupted when Netanyahu cabinet knew about it in advance?

In early 2025, the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) investigations into the October 7 attack disclosed severe, deep-rooted intelligence miscalculations and fundamental misconceptions on the nature of Hamas and its intentions by both the Israeli government and military.

Probing the same attack, Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security service, pointed fingers at Prime Minister Netanyahu. The key mistakes featured the political idea of Hamas as an Israeli asset, the intelligence misjudgment that it couldn’t launch a large-scale attack, and weak defensive deployment.

As we are approaching the anniversary of the Yom Kippur War (October 5, 1973), the Hamas-led attack (October 7, 2023) and the late October election in Israel, new disclosures have been many recently.

Intriguingly, many of these warnings were initially reported a long while ago. Now they have been weaponized in the bitter Israeli election struggle. That’s why most focus on Netanyahu and his cabinet rather than his rivals, several of whom effectively supported the genocide in Gaza and ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.

UAE president’s pre-October 7 warning of a major operation

A week and a half before October 7, 2023 UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed, known as MBZ, called Netanyahu from the Presidential Palace in Abu Dhabi and spoke with him for 45 minutes.

In that conversation, bin Zayed warned that Hamas’ then-leader in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, was planning a major operation against Israel. He expressed concern that the event in question would not only lead to bloodshed but also destabilize the entire region and undermine the Abraham Accords.

MBZ told Netanyahu that Israel should be ready. He recommended trying to find an economic solution for the Strip and calming the West Bank to prevent escalation.

To bin Zayed’s surprise, the Israeli PM felt there was little reason for concern. Netanyahu reassured him that Israel was prepared for any scenario.

The story was disclosed in early September by Shlomi Eldar and Ruth Yuval in their new book, Hostages: 843 Days of Abandonment (in Hebrew).

If the story is valid, the inaction of Netanyahu’s cabinet on October 7 was a colossal political failure at the highest level of the Israeli government.

Hamas leader’s pre-October 7 warnings

Just days ago, former senior Fatah official Sufian Abu Zaida, who mediated between Israel and Hamas before the attacks on October 7, 2023, said that the sides had been close to signing an agreement before the massacre.

In an interview with Egypt’s Alghad TV, Abu Zaida said that Hamas’ Yahya Sinwar warned twice in September 2023 he was preparing a major operation.

The disclosures make the pre-October 7 diplomatic environment even more consequential. Abu Zaida says Israel and Hamas were nearing a proposed arrangement, which involved Palestinian prisoners, easing restrictions on Gaza and measures concerning electricity, water and workers.

Reportedly, Sinwar explicitly dictated an ominous message to Abu Zaida, ordering him to deliver it to Israeli officials word-for-word. Sinwar warned that Hamas would put cards on the table and cause an “earthquake” in negotiations, demanding that Israel prepare to “empty its prisons.”

Subsequently, then-Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar briefed Netanyahu on the meeting with Abu Zaida in mid-September 2023. Two days later, senior Israeli defense figures held an urgent discussion on Sinwar’s threat.

At the end of September, Egypt’s then-intelligence chief, Abbas Kamel, came to Israel, reportedly to deliver a warning that Hamas was preparing for something big.

Why were these high-level warnings ignored on October 7?

Oddly enough, many of these disclosures have been known since late fall 2023, when I, too, incorporated them in my The Fall of Israel (2024).

Repeated warnings, repeated inaction

After October 7, the Egyptian intelligence chief Kamel acknowledged that Israel had ignored repeated warnings that “an explosion of the situation is coming, and very soon, and it would be big.”

While Netanyahu denied receiving any such advance warning, the Egyptian said that the Israeli PM had received direct notice from Cairo’s intelligence minister. Similarly, Michael McCaul, Chairman of the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee, told reporters of the alleged warning.

The inconvenient fact was that Israeli intelligence authorities had been aware of the threat for months yet ignored it.

Right after October 7, several Israeli media released several reports indicating that intelligence analysts’ warnings were ignored. In November 2023, even the New York Times reported “Israel knew Hamas’s attack plan more than a year ago.”

What was new in the Times piece was the document verifying the story. Code-named Jericho Wall, the 40-page blueprint outlined a lethal invasion.

But it was known to have been circulated widely among Israeli military and intelligence leaders. Yet, experts determined an attack of that scale and ambition was beyond Hamas’s capabilities.

In effect, based on over 1 year of evidence, Hamas militants had trained for the blitz attacks in at least six sites across Gaza in plain sight and less than 1.5 km from Israel’s heavily fortified and monitored border, as even the mainstream CNN concluded barely a week after October 7.

Intelligence was purposely ignored

As I documented this pattern in investigatory essays in late 2023 and eventually in The Fall of Israel, warnings from the Israeli lookouts were dismissed as routine training in Gaza. Just days after October 7, testimonies from members of the mainly female lookout units bolstered accusations that Netanyahu’s leadership fatally misread the dangers from Gaza.

In a subsequent Israeli TV segment, Maya Desiatnik, along with a few other survivors, recounted her experiences in the months before the attack. They saw many Palestinians dressed in civilian clothing near the border fence with maps, scrutinizing the ground around it and digging holes.

Yet they were told by their male superiors that what they had seen were just farmers, and there was nothing to worry about.

“It’s infuriating,” said Desiatnik, who served in the nearby Nahal Oz, where 20 other women border surveillance soldiers were murdered by Hamas. “We saw what was happening, we told them about it, and we were the ones who were murdered.”

As intelligence collection reportedly shifted away from Hamas’s tactical organization, confidence in the border barrier became excessive. That bubble burst on October 7, when Hamas breached the barrier at numerous points.

Abandoned hostages

The hostage issue adds another dimension because it concerns not merely prevention but alternatives. On October 7, 2023, as part of the overall Hamas-led offense, 251 people were abducted from Israel to the Gaza Strip, including children, women and elderly. Almost half of the hostages were foreign nationals or had multiple citizenships.

After the Hamas attack Prime Minister Netanyahu appointed ex-military commander Gal Hirsch to coordinate the cross-governmental response to abducted civilians and soldiers. Internationally, the appointment was portrayed as the PM’s move to ensure the timely release of the Israeli hostages.

Little did they know.

As I noted in late 2023, the appointment of Gal Hirsch as coordinator for the hostage response was widely debated and criticized in Israel; given his earlier record concerning a prior botched abduction affair and bribery case. Hirsch and his business partners were indicted for tax evasion of $1.9 million in a case concerning arms sales to Georgia.

Why did Netanyahu appoint as his hostage tsar a general who had already blundered one high-profile abduction affair, failed to protect his soldiers and had been indicted for corruption?

The IDF’s discarded warnings and “mass Hannibal”

Just days after October 7, early reports and interviews suggested that the IDF had detailed prior knowledge of the Hamas offensive three long weeks beforehand, based on information from military intelligence’s Unit 8200.

Highlighting the extent to which the IDF’s Gaza Division was aware of a potential attack on Israel’s southern border communities, the document, which was ignored by senior officials, detailed a series of exercises conducted by Hamas’ elite Nukhba units in the weeks prior to its publication.

One of the most shocking sections of the pre-October-7 IDF report featured instructions relating to the taking of hostages, the number of which was estimated to be between 200–250. The actual tally was 251 captives.

There was also a potentially explosive issue behind many Israeli deaths. Not about “friendly fire,” which is not uncommon amid fierce battles, but about the consequences of the Hannibal Directive, which was now the rule, according to many Israelis.

This directive demands Israelis to kill their fellow soldiers and family members so that their kidnapping and the consequent prisoner exchanges can be avoided. The Hamas-led offensive was compounded by what some Israeli soldiers subsequently called a “mass Hannibal.”

Testimonies by Israeli witnesses to the Hamas attack indicate that the Israeli military killed its own citizens struggling to neutralize Palestinian gunmen, in accordance with the Hannibal Directive. As one witness said to Israel Radio: “[Israeli special forces] eliminated everyone, including the hostages.”

Neglected Israeli communities in proximity to Gaza

When Israel was established, its founding fathers considered its border areas strategic. Adjacent to the Gaza Strip, these are the populated areas in Israel’s Southern District located within 7 km of the border and thus within the range of mortar shells and Qassam rockets.

But if these areas were strategic to national security, why were they so vulnerable on October 7?

As I showed in The Fall of Israel, there had been significant budget reductions after the expiration of earlier confrontation-line measures in the so-called Gaza Envelope areas. Furthermore, the per-capita budgets for 2023–24 were substantially below 2022 levels.

The security architecture itself encouraged complacency. Israel invested heavily in fences, sensors, underground barriers and remote surveillance. But the barrier’s own builder had warned that it required military presence and was never intended to prevent a mass assault by itself.

And there is a still harder question. If communities formally designated as strategically vital could remain so exposed despite years of rocket attacks, tunnels, infiltrations and warnings, what did the state actually mean by “national security”?

The residents of the Gaza Envelope discovered the answer on October 7: the state could possess extraordinary military capabilities while being unable to protect its own citizens at the moment they needed it most.

Return of the repressed

A few weeks ago, the pro-Netanyahu Israeli TV Channel 14 aired an interview with the prime minister’s wife Sara Netanyahu who invoked the “betrayal from within” conspiracy theory. Popular among the right-wing Netanyahu supporters, it alleges that the Israeli Democrats Party Chair Yair Golan and other senior opposition figures knew in advance of the impending Hamas attack on October 7, 2023.

There is absolutely no evidence for such pre-knowledge. Like so many times before, Netanyahu is exploiting proxies to distract, divert and discard inconvenient facts. Moreover, Golan is the prime culprit of the Netanyahu loyalists for a reason.

As Deputy Chief of Staff, Golan made a speech on Holocaust Day in 2016. In that speech, he noted with moral disgust the “horrific processes which developed in Europe – particularly in Germany – 70, 80, and 90 years ago, and finding remnants of that here (in Israel) among us in the year 2016.”

Before the speech he was widely expected to become the next Chief of Staff of the IDF. After the speech, that was no longer in the cards.

Golan plans to sue Sara Netanyahu, accusing her of fueling “ongoing and crazy incitement.” He has compared the current rhetoric to Netanyahu’s conduct in 1995, adding, “We all remember how that ended.”

Golan alludes to the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by a right-wing extremist and the poignant accusations that Netanyahu contributed to the climate of incitement that preceded the murder.

Just weeks before election, Israel is drifting at the edge of a comparable nightmare of political extremism.

As long as the far-right Netanyahu government and its successors shun an independent and comprehensive investigation on the real causes of October 7, the incendiary political environment, which Netanyahu has fostered from Rabin’s assassination that killed the peace process in the 1990s to the Gaza genocide, will escalate.

The issue is no longer whether Israeli intelligence possessed some warning. It had many warnings. The question is whether the warnings were sufficiently clear that the catastrophe could have been prevented or mitigated.

Unless the idea was to weaponize October 7 in an ultimate effort to legitimize something far more lethal – ethnic cleansing and genocidal atrocities.

Minaret of Indian mosque collapses during controversial demolition

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Minaret of Indian mosque collapses during controversial demolition

Video shows the moment the minaret of India’s 600-year-old Ujjain mosque collapsed during demolition work for a road-widening project for a Hindu pilgrimage, triggering despair among Muslims onlookers. Officials described it as an accident caused by faulty machinery.

Will Democrats move beyond rhetoric on Israel’s illegal settlements?

 A shift is taking place in Washington. Senate Democrats are moving to sanction individuals and entities involved in Israel’s E1 settlement project, one of the most consequential efforts to reshape the occupied West Bank. The timing is significant. Reports that the project may have been put on hold raise the question of whether the pause represents a substantive policy change or merely a tactical delay. Meanwhile, the Senate is preparing to leave Washington this week, narrowing the immediate window for action. The question is no longer simply whether Democrats object to illegal settlement expansion, but whether they are prepared to turn those objections into consequences.

The legislation, introduced on September 23 by Senators Chris Coons, Elizabeth Warren, Ron Wyden and Ruben Gallego, would target individuals and entities involved in facilitating settlement construction in E1. It has at least 10 Democratic cosponsors and was referred to the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee.

E1 lies between occupied East Jerusalem and the major illegal settlement of Maale Adumim. Its development has long been viewed by Palestinian officials, foreign governments and advocates of a two-state solution as particularly consequential because construction there could disrupt territorial continuity between northern and southern parts of the occupied West Bank while further isolating East Jerusalem. The issue, therefore, is not simply another settlement project, but whether the geography of the West Bank is being altered in ways that could make Palestinian territorial self-determination increasingly difficult.

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From condemnation to accountability

The proposed legislation would impose sanctions on foreign individuals and entities determined by the Treasury Department to have facilitated settlement construction or related activity in E1, including participation in tenders. It would also target those involved in organising, financing or facilitating the transfer of Israeli civilians into illegal settlements in the area.

That would represent a departure from the traditional Washington response. A government can dismiss a diplomatic protest; sanctions affecting companies, individuals or access to the US financial system are harder to ignore. Yet the measure remains a proposal, its prospects are uncertain, and the House of Representatives is out of session. The Senate’s impending departure means the immediate political opportunity is narrowing, although the legislation will remain alive during the recess.

Its significance, therefore, may depend as much on what happens when Congress returns as on what happens before it leaves.

What does an E1 pause actually mean?

Reports that the E1 project may have been put on hold deserve attention, but also caution. A suspension, delay in tenders or postponement would not necessarily amount to abandonment. Nor would it reverse settlement expansion already approved or resolve the broader question of the West Bank’s territorial future.

If E1 has merely been deferred, Washington should not mistake a pause for a policy change. But if the project has genuinely been halted, the moment presents an opportunity to test whether US pressure can help turn temporary restraint into a durable decision.

That is where sanctions could matter. Their significance would not necessarily lie in punishing a project after the fact, but in establishing that settlement expansion can carry consequences before the process becomes irreversible.

The Democratic contradiction

The Democratic debate must also confront the Biden administration’s record. The administration repeatedly stated that settlements were inconsistent with international law and harmful to the prospects for a two-state solution. Yet those objections coexisted with continued military assistance and a broader strategic relationship with Israel. Washington thus continued to articulate support for Palestinian statehood while doing relatively little to prevent developments that could make such a state increasingly difficult to realise.

That contradiction has not been confined to one administration. Successive US governments have often treated settlement expansion as an obstacle to peace while stopping short of using significant leverage to prevent it.

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The political environment within the Democratic Party, however, is changing. A growing number of Democratic lawmakers are challenging aspects of Israeli policy, including settlement expansion and pogroms. The E1 legislation reflects a broader debate over whether support for Israel must also mean insulating Israeli government policies from meaningful US consequences.

What would meaningful change require?

For the E1 initiative to become more than symbolism, Congress would have to establish clear criteria for sanctions, consistent enforcement and the political willingness to sustain them. More fundamentally, Washington would have to confront the larger framework of its relationship with Israel.

If Palestinian self-determination remains a US policy objective, a basic question follows: what happens when an ally pursues policies that American officials themselves say undermine that objective?

For decades, the answer has mostly been diplomatic objection without corresponding leverage. The proposed sanctions would introduce something largely missing from US settlement policy: the possibility that settlement activity could carry a tangible cost in the United States.

That does not guarantee passage, nor would sanctions by themselves resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But they would alter the terms of the debate by linking Washington’s stated policy to an instrument capable of imposing consequences.

The test comes after the headlines

The E1 initiative should therefore be neither exaggerated nor dismissed. It remains at the beginning of the congressional process, with the House out of session and the Senate preparing to leave Washington. The immediate prospects for enactment may be uncertain. But the more important test is whether its sponsors continue to press the issue after the current political moment has passed.

If E1 has been temporarily put on hold, Washington has an opportunity to press for a permanent halt rather than treating the pause as sufficient. “If the project proceeds, Congress will face a clearer choice over whether settlement activity should continue to be met with statements of concern or tangible consequences.

Ultimately, E1 is about more than a strip of land between Jerusalem and Maale Adumim. It is a test of whether US foreign policy means what it says. Washington has spent decades declaring that settlement expansion undermines Palestinian self-determination and the prospects for a negotiated peace, while rarely attaching a meaningful cost to it.

The E1 legislation offers Democrats an opportunity to begin closing that gap. The decisive question is not whether Washington can issue another warning, but whether it is finally prepared to make its own stated principles matter and make clear that a US commitment to Palestinian self-determination cannot remain a diplomatic phrase while the realities on the ground move in the opposite direction.

Message from Electronic Intifada

 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faced a walkout at the UN, but still took the podium despite a warrant for his arrest. What will it take to turn Israel’s growing isolation into real accountability?

On today’s show, human rights lawyer and former UN official Craig Mokhiber joins us to discuss the gap between diplomatic condemnation and action, the “Board of Peace” plans for Gaza and Nicaragua’s case against Germany.

Jon Elmer reports on US losses of aircraft, equipment and personnel in Iranian operations against American bases across the Middle East and in the Strait of Hormuz.

Nora Barrows-Friedman brings the latest news from Palestine and Lebanon, including Israel’s continuing killings of children and journalists in Gaza, with an audio report from Roqayah Chamseddine in Beirut.

Join Jon, Nora, Ali Abunimah and Tamara Nassar for all this and more.

Thank you for reading, listening to and sharing all our original news and analysis at The Electronic Intifada.

60 Incidents in 4 Months: Anti-Christian Attacks Surge Across West Bengal

 Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) formed the government in West Bengal, the state has witnessed a sharp escalation in vigilante violence by Hindu nationalist organizations targeting Christians. These incidents have included raids on prayer meetings and churches, harassment and interrogation of worshippers, vandalism, physical assaults, and public humiliation, frequently justified through allegations of “religious conversion.”

Between May 13 and September 20, 2026, India Hate Lab (IHL) documented at least 60 incidents across 13 districts, including 52 raids on private prayer meetings, homes, churches, and other Christian gatherings, and eight incidents involving physical assault, mob violence, or vandalism. During the same period, IHL documented five public hate speech events explicitly targeting Christians, sometimes alongside Muslims, and three protests focused exclusively on alleged religious conversion.

The timing and rhetoric surrounding these incidents are significant. The documented surge began after the change in state government, and perpetrators have themselves invoked the BJP’s assumption of power while targeting Christians. In Panskura, Paschim Medinipur, on September 3, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal members, while interrupting a Christian gathering at a rental guest house, warned that no conversion activities in “New Bengal” would be allowed, invoking Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari’s public opposition to alleged religious conversion. In Barasat on July 12, members of Hindu Jagaran Manch, while threatening Auxilium Salesian Sisters over a private prayer cemetery, declared that their activities “would not be tolerated now that BJP is in power.” 

Expanding Pattern

The incidents documented by IHL were distributed across 13 districts but showed notable geographic concentration. South 24 Parganas and Paschim Medinipur each recorded 13 raids on Christian prayer meetings. The organizations most frequently involved included Hindu Jagaran Manch/Bangiya Hindu Jagaran, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, Hindu Suraksha Samiti, Hindu Ekta Manch, and Hindu Sanghati.

The raids follow a similar template. Local members of Hindu nationalist organizations entered private homes, churches, or rented venues where Christians were gathering for prayer, accused organizers of carrying out religious conversions, interrogated attendees about their religious identities, and, in several cases, demanded to inspect their Aadhaar cards. This pattern was documented in Chandrakona on May 13, May 20, and June 8; in Gosaba on May 28; in Basanti on June 6 (where six individuals were accused of conversion at a church); and in Canning on June 9.

In Sandeshkhali on July 8, VHP and BJP members entered a predominantly Christian neighborhood, while a Hindu monk demanded the residents show their Aadhaar cards, questioned why they left Hinduism, and termed Christianity a “legacy of the British rule.” In Hingalganj, Uttar Dinajpur, on August 30, Hindu Jagaran Manch members raided a prayer meeting, questioned an alleged Christian missionary from Argentina, and questioned why the Bible was being read instead of the Gita. 

Gendered Harassment

A recurring feature of these incidents has been the targeting of Christian women over religious identity and traditional Bengali marital symbols. Women have been questioned about wearing sakha-pola, bangles traditionally worn by married Bengali Hindu women, and sindoor, and in several incidents were pressured to remove them.

In Ramnagar, Purba Medinipur, on September 5, Hindu nationalists told Christian women to remove their sakha-pola and mocked them for referring to Jesus as “Swami.” Similar incidents of harassment were recorded in Kulpi on September 6 and September 11. 

On July 18 in Baruipur, a Hindu nationalist group followed and heckled a group of Christian women carrying Bibles and wearing sakha-pola and sindoor, calling them “sold out Hindus” and “bejaat Hindus”— a casteist slur accusing them of abandoning their caste and community by converting. 

On September 19, in Barrackpore, VHP and Bajrang Dal members physically assaulted and publicly humiliated several Christian women, accusing them of facilitating religious conversion.

Physical Violence and Vandalism

Several raids escalated beyond intimidation into physical violence, mob attacks, or destruction of Christian religious property. On June 10, Hindu Jagaran Manch members vandalized a church in South 24 Parganas. In Subhashgram on July 5, Hindu nationalist supporters attacked a church under construction and broke down multiple crosses installed while chanting “Jai Shri Ram.” On August 25, a VHP and Bajrang Dal raid on a home in Magrahat turned violent. On the same day in Howrah, a mob detained two people accused of facilitating conversion, dragging them through the area to chants of “Jai Shri Ram.”

The mob stripped the man of his clothes and manhandled the woman in the presence of the police, who did not intervene, and later took the victims into custody. In Magrahat on September 7, a raid escalated into physical violence after members tore up Bibles and demanded that women remove marital symbols. Police arrested several attendees. In Kolkata, on September 11, Hindu Sanghati members targeted a prayer meeting and physically assaulted attendees. On September 19, VHP and Bajrang Dal members in Barrackpore tied up and assaulted several Christian women, accusing them of facilitating religious conversion.

Police Complicity

IHL documented a recurring pattern in which police were present during vigilante attacks and, in many cases, subsequently detained Christian attendees following allegations made by Hindu nationalist organizations.

In Raniganj on June 21, a mob led by VHP leader Shubham Raut assaulted attendees at a Sunday Prayer Meeting and handed over 20-25 attendees to the police, who launched an investigation over allegations of religious conversion. In Chaitanyapur, Haldia, on July 9, police accompanied Hindu nationalist supporters to detain two women distributing Christian religious literature.

In Midnapore on July 6, police detained several individuals named by Hindu Jagaran Manch members in a complaint alleging conversion. In Purulia (July 5), Hijla (August 23) and Kulpi (September 6), VHP and Bajrang Dal raids on prayer meetings took place in the presence of police. In Bhatpara, North 24 Parganas, on September 20, Hindu Jagaran Manch members intercepted a prayer meeting and again handed the attendees directly to police.

Several hate speech events targeting Christians were also documented alongside the surge in vigilante raids. At a Hindu Jagaran Manch event in Mathurapur, Malda, on June 16, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) leader Suman Kumar claimed that children of “Chadar and Father” (Muslims and Christians) are taking disproportionate government benefits over Hindus. At a Virat Hindu Dharma Sammelan in Ghutiari Sharif on September 6, a speaker alleged that Christian missionaries exploit the sick and vulnerable and convert them. 

Role of Social Media Platforms

All of the incidents documented by IHL were recorded and shared on Facebook and Instagram by the perpetrators. In many cases, members of Hindu nationalist organizations themselves uploaded videos of raids, confrontations, and interrogations, while some incidents were livestreamed as they unfolded. Meta platforms thus served as mediums used by the groups involved to document, publicize, and amplify their vigilante activities targeting Christians.

This is not a new problem. Social media platforms have repeatedly failed to adequately enforce their own rules against hate, incitement, and extremist activity in India, despite longstanding evidence that their services are used by extremist actors to organize, document, glorify, and amplify harassment and violence against religious minorities. The continued presence of accounts and content openly documenting such activities raises serious questions about the effectiveness of platform enforcement and the extent to which these groups can operate online with limited consequences.

The frequency and concentration of these incidents, the repeated invocation by perpetrators of the change in state government, the recurrence of the same organizations and tactics across districts, and documented instances of police presence and support point to an increasingly organized campaign operating in an environment of apparent institutional impunity. None of the individuals or organizations identified by IHL as participating in these incidents had posted about similar raids or other vigilante attacks targeting Christians before May 2026.

All documented incidents began in May, with their frequency steadily increasing in the months that followed. The escalation was particularly pronounced in September, with five raids documented within a single 48-hour period on September 19-20.

This report is part of India Hate Lab’s Early Warning, Early Response (EWER) initiative. India Hate Lab is a project of the Center for the Study of Organized Hate (CSOH).

The Rising Tide of Anti-South Asian Hate in the United States

 This report examines the scale, nature, and tactics of online hate targeting South Asian Americans, including those of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and other South Asian backgrounds, across X, 4chan, 8chan, and Gab.

Introduction

In recent years, South Asians in the United States have increasingly become targets of online hate, with their identities, languages, accents, appearance, cultural customs, and religious practices subjected to mockery and abuse. They are denigrated with xenophobic slurs, racist memes, and dehumanizing rhetoric that depicts them as vermin, parasites, and invaders who are taking over American jobs, communities, and institutions.

These narratives frequently draw on conspiracy theories of demographic and cultural replacement and, in their extreme forms, include calls to deport, denaturalize, or otherwise remove South Asians from the country. Far-right and anti-immigration influencers have amplified these narratives and circulated videos featuring or encouraging the public harassment and humiliation of South Asians.

This online hostility exists alongside incidents of anti-South Asian harassment and violence offline. South Asians have faced harassment, racial abuse on the streets, and physical violence. In February 2025, an Indian-origin nurse in Florida was severely beaten by a patient who made anti-Indian remarks.1 In July 2026, an Indian Muslim mall employee in Utah was repeatedly stabbed in an attack that federal prosecutors charged as a hate crime.2 On September 13, 2026, a Sikh truck driver was stabbed 17 times3 in an unprovoked attack at a truck stop in Wyoming, raising fears of other such attacks on South Asians.

The attack followed in the wake of simmering anti-Sikh sentiment ever since two Sikh truck drivers were involved in fatal crashes4 in 2025 and an ensuing crackdown by the Trump administration on immigrant truck drivers. Earlier in September, the official Department of Homeland Security Instagram account had shared an image of a poster,5 captioned “Transformers: Age of Deportations.” The controversial poster, which received ample attention, featured an image of ‘Mr Singh,’ who was told to “get off our roads.” The poster was taken down on September 10, 2026.

Click here to read more: The Rising Tide of Anti-South Asian Hate in the United States

US lifts sanctions on daughter of military-linked Myanmar businessman

  The United States has removed sanctions on the daughter of a Myanmar businessman accused of supporting the military-installed government. ...