Thursday, August 25, 2022

Press release: Fifth anniversary of the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar: UK statement

 
  • UK takes fresh action against the Myanmar Armed Forces on 5th anniversary of the military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya
  • new sanctions against military-linked companies to target the military’s access to arms and revenue
  • UK confirms its intention to intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar International Court of Justice Case to support international justice efforts

The UK has announced a further round of sanctions to target military-linked businesses in Myanmar. Those being sanctioned include Star Sapphire Group of Companies, International Gateways Group of Companies Limited (IGG) and Sky One Construction Company Ltd. They are being sanctioned in an effort to limit the military’s access to arms and revenue.

Minister for Asia Amanda Milling has also confirmed the UK’s intention to intervene in the case of The Gambia v. Myanmar before the International Court of Justice. The case will determine whether Myanmar has violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention in relation to the military’s acts against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017.

The Myanmar Armed Forces launched a devastating attack on the Rohingya communities living in Rakhine State, Myanmar on 25 August 2017. A UN Fact Finding Mission report stated that over 10,000 Rohingya were killed and 740,000 displaced into neighbouring Bangladesh.

The report also claimed Myanmar Armed Forces engaged in a campaign of sexual violence, grave violations against children, torture and village burnings. These are the hallmarks of a military acting with impunity, and the UK notes its grave concern that they are employing these tactics in their current operations against pro-democracy groups in Myanmar.

The UK has been clear that what happened to the Rohingya was ethnic cleansing and remains committed to taking action to stop the brutality of the Myanmar Armed Forces and hold them to account.

Minister for Asia Amanda Milling said:

The UK will always face down those who seek to undermine and destroy our values of freedom and democracy. Five years on, we continue to stand in solidarity with the Rohingya people and condemn the Myanmar Armed Forces’ horrific campaign of ethnic cleansing.

Our decision to intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar case and a further round of sanctions sends a strong signal of our continued support to seek accountability for the atrocities in 2017 and also restrict the military junta’s access to finance and the supply of arms.

The violence in 2017 was the result of an attempt, over generations, to destroy the Rohingya identity. The 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State have been stripped of their citizenship and face systemic discrimination restricting the freedom of movement and access to healthcare. The UK now reiterates the call for the abolition of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the restoration of Rohingya citizenship.

Since 2017 the UK has provided £330 million in aid to the camps, supporting food needs, shelter, sanitation, education, medical and protection services.

Background

The case of The Gambia v. Myanmar is being heard before the International Court of Justice, in The Hague. The case will determine whether Myanmar has violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention in relation to the Military’s acts against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017.

Proceedings to date have focused on important procedural issues. On 22 July 2022, in response to preliminary objections raised by Myanmar, the Court found it has jurisdiction to hear the case and that Gambia’s application was admissible. The case will now proceed to the merits phase, during which substantive arguments on the interpretation, application and/or fulfilment of the Genocide Convention will be made.

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Erdogan says warming Israel ties won’t weaken Palestine support

 Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said that recent steps to normalise Ankara’s ties with Israel will not weaken the country’s support for Palestine in the conflict between the two sides.

Erdogan’s remarks come as he met with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas on Tuesday as part of the latter’s official visit to Turkey’s capital city, Ankara.

Abbas’s three-day visit comes as Turkey and Israel take steps to normalise ties. Last week, Turkey and Israel said they would reappoint ambassadors, four years after they were expelled over the killing of 60 Palestinians by Israeli forces during protests in Gaza against the opening of the United States Embassy in Jerusalem.

Erdogan told a joint news conference that Ankara continues its long-standing solidarity with Palestine in the strongest way.

He said that Turkey, which has recognised the Palestinian state from the moment it was proclaimed, defends the vision of a two-state solution on every platform.

“We have clearly demonstrated our response to the Israeli attacks and civilian casualties,” he said.

Erdogan has been a fervent supporter of the Palestinian cause who has branded Israel a “terrorist state”.

Abbas welcomes Turkish support

Erdogan said that Palestinian authorities, including different political factions, welcome the normalisation of ties between Turkey and Israel and that they want the dialogue to continue.

“On the contrary, our Palestinian brothers also express that these steps will contribute to the solution of the Palestinian issue and the improvement of the situation of the Palestinian people,” Erdogan said.

Abbas did not mention Turkish-Israeli relations in his comments, but thanked Erdogan for his past support.

Privacy Policy

“I would like to thank you for the close attention and hospitality you have shown us,” Abbas told Erdogan.

“I would like to reiterate my gratitude for the fact that Turkey and the Turkish government are on the side of Palestine.”

The veteran Palestinian leader’s visit is widely seen as an attempt by Turkey to show that it stood by old allies even as it repairs relations with more recent rivals.

Turkey has gradually mended fences across the region as it seeks new deals and investments to help recover from its most profound economic crisis in more than two decades.

The warming with Israel is being accompanied by plans to restore direct flights by Israeli airlines between the two countries, which could bring in more tourists to Turkey’s resorts.

Ankara is also hoping to revive an east Mediterranean natural gas pipeline project that won tentative backing from the US last year.

Separately, in a televised interview with broadcaster Haber Global on Tuesday, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, who visited Israel in May, said an ambassador candidate for Israel will be presented to Erdogan in the “coming days”.

“The steps that we are taking do not mean that Turkey will make concessions,” he said.

SOURCE: NEWS AGENCIES

Wednesday, August 24, 2022

India Cuts U.S. Crude Imports By 50% As It Buys Discounted

 New reports have emerged that during the second quarter, India slashed its crude imports from the United States by one million metric tonnes while sharply ramping up imports of discounted Russian oil.

India’s energy mix now looks dramatically different from a year ago. Last year, Russian oil in India’s crude basket amounted to a paltry 2.2%, while the U.S. was 9.2%; right now, Russia accounts for nearly 12.9% of India’s crude imports, while the U.S. share has tumbled to just 5.4%.

India has never been a big buyer of Russian crude despite having to import 80% of its needs. In a typical year, India imports just 2-5% of its crude from Russia, roughly the same proportion as the United States did before it announced a 100% ban on Russian energy commodities. Indeed, India imported only 12 million barrels of Russian crude in 2021, with the majority of its oil sourced from Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Nigeria.

But back in May, reports emerged of a “significant uptick” in Russian oil deliveries bound for India.

According to a Bloomberg report, India spent a good $5.1 billion on Russian oil, gas and coal in the first three months after the invasion, more than five times the value of a year ago. However, China remains the biggest buyer of Russian energy commodities, spending $18.9 billion in the three months to the end of May, almost double the amount a year earlier.

And, it’s all about the money.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), Urals crude from Russia have been offered at record discounts. Ellen Wald, president of Transversal Consulting, has told CNBC that a couple of commodity trading firms--such as Glencore and Vitol--were offering discounts of $30 and $25 per barrel, respectively, for the Urals blend. Urals is the main blend exported by Russia. Experts say simple economics are the biggest reason why White House pressure to curb purchases of crude oil from Russia have fallen on deaf ears in Delhi.

Responding to a question on India-Russia ties, U.S. state department spokesperson Ned Price has acknowledged that India shares a historical relationship with Russia, and it would be a Herculean task to change that.

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com

The Many Lives of Ayman al-Zawahiri BY BINOY KAMPMARK

 Ayman al-Zawahiri is dead – or so we are told.  Al-Qaida’s chief and successor to the slain Osama bin Laden, he was deemed the chief ideologue and mastermind behind the audacious September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States.  On July 31, he was supposedly killed in a drone strike in Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul, while standing on his balcony.

Terrorism and security pundits, whose views are best considered from afar with stern scrutiny, are predictably speculating that the killing will have some effect on al-Qaida but are incapable of showing how.  Vanda Felbab-Brown at Brookings is convinced that “his death with have a negative strategic and demoralizing impact on al-Qaida” though gives no inkling of how this might be so.  Even by her own admission, Zawahiri was not “involved in daily tactical al-Qaida planning”.

The lack of US counter-terrorism capabilities, not to mention officially stationed personnel in Afghanistan, is no problem for Felbab-Brown.  She admires the US forces for still getting the job done, if it can be put as crudely as that. This killing was an “impressive show of the effectiveness and persistence of US counterterrorism efforts”.  Scorn is also reserved for the Taliban, who seemed to be playing host and continuing old habits of supping from the same bowl.

President Joe Biden also took pride in noting that such killings could be executed at a distance, and without the need for an ongoing US garrison.  “When I ended our military mission in Afghanistan almost a year ago, I made the decision that after 20 years of war, the United States no longer needed thousands of boots on the ground in Afghanistan to protect America from terrorists who seek to do us harm.”

In November 2020, another commentator from the Brookings stable, Daniel Byman, wrote something almost identical in flavour to that of Felbab-Brown.  Zawahiri had, on that occasion, had another one of his death flourishes, reportedlyexpiring in Afghanistan from “natural causes”.

Byman was keen to speculate.  “If Zawahri is dead, where will al-Qaida go next and what kind of movement will Zawahri’s successor inherit?”  With classroom authority, Byman opined that, “Leaders matter tremendously for terrorist groups, especially jihadi ones, which often rise and fall based on the fortunes of their emir.”

As things transpired, the leader in question was very much alive and kicking and reports of his death had been embarrassingly exaggerated.  He appeared in a video message celebrating the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan, released on September 11, 2021.

The al-Qaida leader certainly has form.  In August 2008, Zawahiri’s fate was of such interest to CBS News as to prompt a bold pronouncement.  He was said to be in “severe pain” and in need of urgent treatment for injuries sustained in a strike.  Lara Logan, the CBS News chief foreign affairs correspondent, had supposedly secured a letter written by local Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud making that point.  The injuries were said to be so critical that the leader was “possibly dead”.  Logan acknowledged that there had been “false death rumours” floating around previously about the al-Qaida figure, but no denials had been issued from Pakistan, the US or al-Qaida websites.  Not exactly formidably deductive.

Zawahiri has encountered death yet again, this time at the end of a drone strike on a safe house in Kabul.  But things were far from clear.  Former head of the National Directorate of Security in Afghanistan, Rahmatullah Nabil, claimed it was “an American strike on IS-K” (Islamic State-Khorasan Province) that took place on July 31.  Not so, according to Amrullah Saleh, former Afghan vice-president, who attributed responsibility to the Pakistani Airforce.

The Taliban followed up, with spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid confirming that the strike had, in fact, been the work of a US drone.  “Such actions are a repetition of the failed experiences of the past 20 years and are against the interests of the US, Afghanistan and the region,” Mujahid added.

US President Joe Biden duly issued his video-briefing corroborating the attack.  Not that this necessarily clarified matters regarding Zawahiri.  John Kirby, National Security Council coordinator for strategic communications, admittedthat no DNA evidence had been obtained.  Cockily, he asserted that, “based on multiple sources and methods that we’ve gathered information from, we don’t need it.”

The pattern of killings and assassinations gloried in, only to be revised or disproved later, is very much part of the counterterrorist manual.  US officials have indulged in this before, notably in the context of Osama bin Laden.  At a certain point in time, it became irrelevant whether he lived or otherwise.  The figure had died on so many occasions as to become a simulacrum, existing in an absurdist drama known as terrorism studies and “counter-terrorist operations”.  At best, the obsession with capturing and killing him provided the personal touch, an individual whose targeting gave reassurance that wrongs could somehow be righted by disposing of him in extrajudicial fashion.

Bin Laden’s slaying by the Navy Seals in May 2011 had a cinematic element and, in a rather fitting way, reconciled his dead-yet-not-dead existence to celluloid.   The White House Situation Room showed President Barack Obama and his officials glued to the screen as the events in Abbottabad, Pakistan unfolded.  Ghoulish reality television unfolded before an audience grimly transfixed, horrified and entertained.

Like his predecessor felled by US bullets, Zawahiri’s demise hardly changes the dynamic of the terrorist franchise he led.  Killing such a man is not quite the equivalent of doing away with the manager of a banking branch, but the principle has a similarity to it.  Such entities will continue to thrive, fed by the very forces that often claim to suppress them.  Adherents will always be found; the hangman will never be disappointed.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

The Progressive Industrial Complex and Our Fascist Future BY DAVID ROVICS

 

Nancy Pelosi at Taipei. Photograph Source: Office of U.S. House Speaker – Public Domain

The Democratic Party leadership, along with the Liz Cheney wing of the Republican Party, seems intent on provoking a war with both Russia and China at the same time, all supposedly out of love for democracy and opposition to tyranny.  The sidewalks of cities across the US are increasingly filled with the stench of the dead, who have passed away inside the tents in which they spent their last days.  And you can still hear liberals wondering aloud why anyone would possibly vote for Trump again.

“I just don’t understand it,” they’ll say.  “How can people be so stupid that they’ll vote against their own class interests?”

Don’t tell the liberals that the average Democrat in the Congress is worth a bit more than the average Republican.  They don’t want to be confused by reality.  In their minds, the Democrats are still the party of the working class.  You know, the party that it almost maybe was, for a few years in the 1930’s, when it had to be.

“Have you ever listened to one of Trump’s speeches, from beginning to end?”

It’s my favorite question to ask anyone on the liberal-left spectrum.  The vast majority of the time, after a bit of hedging, the answer is “no.”

If the average liberal used 1% of the time they spend asking other liberals why Trump is so popular just listening to how Trump and his supporters look at things, a lot more people could start developing some useful perspective here.  But the liberals are as siloed into their propaganda sources as the rightwingers are stuck into theirs.

In the liberal’s digested version of MAGA, it’s all about scapegoating marginalized people for society’s problems.  To the extent that there are real problems the MAGA crowd is upset about, such as constantly declining standards of living for most people in this country since the 1970’s or so, this is to be blamed on white people resenting their “loss of privilege.”

That is, the Forgotten Man that Trump and his supporters have been going on about for years day in and day out, is to remain forgotten.

But what if these Forgotten People, however they define themselves, don’t want to be Forgotten?  What if this massive, intersectional base of MAGA support that the liberals dismiss as “privileged” think there might be more to life than continual decline?  What is the solution offered by the liberals to all of this?

Here in Oregon, if we look to the gubernatorial race currently underway in this state completely controlled by the Democratic Party’s supermajority, the three main candidates being mentioned in the press agree that homelessness is a big problem, and the most visionary solution any of them seem to be able to offer is that the state government should find the resources to at least house the homeless veterans.  Which, after all the time they’ve been running this state, they haven’t managed to do yet.

In contrast with the politicians of the more “populist” right and their media outlets, who vilify the marginalized groups they scapegoat for the decline in fortunes of the working class, the line of the elements of the corporate press and politicians who position themselves as progressives, for the most part, is to ignore class, unless it’s related to race, gender, sexuality, immigration status, physical disability, mental illness, being an abuse survivor, or otherwise being part of some kind of marginalized group other than the biggest one of them all, that the vast majority of all of the marginalized groups are a member of (the working class).

For those of us who are participating in the creation of or the consumption of news stories, songs, and whatever else seeking to humanize marginalized elements of society that are constantly being vilified, lied about, and scapegoated by the right, what we do we do with positive intentions.  Which, on the face of it, is obvious.  But when all the tales of marginalization come in combination with the clear absence of stories that tie the right’s divide-and-conquer scapegoating propaganda in with any kind of explanation for why most of US society — that is, white people — are in the impoverished and struggling state that most of us are in, we’re left coming up empty.

The ingenuity of the liberal media and liberal academia in terms of finding well-intended journalists and academics to go along with the program and work neatly with the agenda of the liberal elite is it’s an easy policy to engage in, with little brainwashing required.  For those who have had experience with corporate or “public” media outlets, or with careers in academia, much less explanation is necessary.  Anyone who has been close to these circles quickly discovers that it is generally not the journalists or the academics who decide what they’re doing stories or research about, so much as which stories, documentaries, research proposals, departments, etc., are funded, and which aren’t.

Especially if you’re not dealing with the one-minute digested version of realities exposed by good journalism or academic research, an investigation into how the housing crisis has affected the Black population of Portland, for example, will undoubtedly also highlight how gentrification has similarly impacted the working class generally.  And there are lots of good reasons to focus research on how the housing crisis affects the Black population specifically.  But when any story or paper related to poverty always has to have a particular connection to forms of marginalization other than the most significant one, in a country where the overall standard of living of the working class has been declining for the past fifty years, an impression is developed.

How and why this impression is developed will vary depending on who’s involved.  For the journalist or the academic, the information being provided may be real enough, and also even very important.  For those pulling the strings, and for those consuming the digested results of the research and reportage coming out of what we might call the Nonprofit Industrial Complex, it’s fairly clear what they think the takeaway here is:

Ignore the wizard behind the curtain.  This is more or less a classless society is the message.  Anyone inferring otherwise is some kind of conspiracy theorist talking about the Forgotten Man and scapegoating the very groups we are constantly seeking to humanize.  And we’re humanizing them all so well, aren’t we?  Listen to how well we humanize the scapegoated, and ignore the wizard who isn’t really there.  The loss of your privilege is to be expected.  It’s not really part of an overall decline under late-stage monopoly capitalism run by a corrupt system led by old, rich, white people, half of whom call themselves Democrats.  Blame those who are blaming the scapegoated groups that we’re humanizing.  Once we have a society free of prejudice, everyone will be happy and prosperous, by some magic process that shall not be defined.

And if that’s not enough, and we still want to figure out why most of us are so poor, even though we’re white?

Good luck.

This is where the Progressive Industrial Complex comes in.  I may be the first anarchist to use this term, so I’ll explain what I mean by that.

If we’re defining the Nonprofit Industrial Complex as that complex of entities that together create much of the output of journalistic and academic endeavors coming out of much of the left-liberal spectrum, which tends to define the spectrum’s orientation generally, then the Progressive Industrial Complex is what happens with these articles, books, documentaries, and research papers after they’re out there in the world.  It is what a Subreddit or a Facebook Group is to the New York Times.

This is the arena in which the ideas that are being continually implied by the Nonprofit Industrial Complex come home to roost, in the form of identitarian psychobabble.  It doesn’t seem to be much of a stretch in many social circles, once you’ve heard enough stories about the suffering of so many different groups marginalized on account of race, gender, sexual orientation, national origin, or disability, to draw the conclusion that the only suffering that goes on in society happens to these particular marginalized groups.

Thus, if nonmarginalized (read white male) people are suffering, and it is not because of the scapegoated groups, nor is it because of a broken, rigged, and declining capitalist system, then it is our fault.  The suicide and drug overdose rate among this group of people would suggest a lot of us have internalized this message very well.

Those who are looking for explanations to society’s ills that are based in understanding the problems created by the division of society into classes, and the relations between these classes in the context of a capitalist economic system with an extreme, “pro-business” legal framework, will be denounced as class reductionists, closet racists, or maybe even just plain racists, and for good measure, probably sexists and transphobes, too.  For pointing out that the general decline of the working class over the past fifty years in this society is the most central factor in the rise of the far right, which is daily capitalizing on this dire situation, you will be called many names by many people, if anyone’s paying attention to what you say at all.

Perhaps the most laughable part about the intellectual infrastructure of the US identitarian, new new left’s “loss of privilege” line of reasoning about the rise of the right is how much it requires that you have national blinders on in order to believe a word of it.  Because all it takes is a cursory glance at just about any other country on the planet to see that the decline in living standards for the working class majority in this country is something that is happening in so many other places at the same time, including in countries with very different demographics and histories from ours, such as India or Brazil, where the idea of calling any large segment of the population “privileged” or at risk of a “loss of privilege” is patently ridiculous.

Of course, we could draw the conclusion that the rise of the far right in India is all about privileged Hindus not wanting to share their country with Muslims.  We could draw the conclusion from the rise of the right in Brazil that the more privileged elements of society just want to steal more indigenous land.  We could also understand the Brexit vote in England as nativist Britons wanting to keep their fancy country for themselves, and kick out all the foreigners.  We could interpret the Yellow Vest movement in France as somehow antisemitic, rather than anti-elitist.

Or we could see how the right is defining the situation for people in these and other countries, and how the visible elements of the left are generally talking about everything other than the central problem all of these societies face.  Because those visible elements of the left, or what people see when they’re looking for the left’s perspective on the situation, are represented by the leadership of entities such as the British Labor Party, the Socialist Party in France, the Democrats in the US, and the equivalents of these parties in India (the Congress Party) and Brazil (the Workers Party), etc.  And all of these parties, perhaps with the exception of the Brazilian example, have long ago embraced all of the excesses of capitalism, and the global model of “development” — producing ever-growing chasms of inequality — put forward by the World Bank and the neoliberal economists from the Chicago School.

Why don’t we hear from these Democratic leaders — since the DNC rigged the primaries and made sure Bernie wouldn’t get the nomination — about the division of wealth in this country, or how it keeps getting worse under capitalism, and how we need to radically redistribute it in order to even think about getting anywhere towards a decent, fair society?  For the same reasons you won’t hear the Republican leadership talk about this.  Because both parties are led by the rich, in the service of the rich, and the system of capitalism that keeps them rich.

For the right, the logic is pretty consistent for the past century or more.  Harness prejudice of all kinds, weaponize the suffering of the working class to serve your ends, which generally have to do with serving the interests of the corporate elite.  A long time ago, the left sought to address the suffering of the working class by organizing against the corporate elite, and challenging racism and xenophobia as tools of the plutocrats, used to keep the working class divided.

To the extent that there is anything left involved with the Democratic Party or the class-blind identitarianism it wholeheartedly embraces, the visible left’s contemporary answer to working class suffering is to say that the white workers just need to “check our privilege” and get on with the belt-tightening, because now we have to lose our privilege, and make room for the marginalized groups that are now going to share the little tiny slice of the pie we’ve all been scrapping for for the past 500 years.  As far as I can tell, the message from the liberals to the white working class was summed up by the Sex Pistols forty years ago:  “there’s no future for you.”

Back in the 1930’s, the US had a sufficiently class-oriented progressive government to keep the Great Depression from turning the general population in a more radical direction than it was already going in.  The federal government recognized the importance of a strong labor movement, and for the government to take a central role in housing and feeding the population, and putting people to work building infrastructure, taking care of each other, and making art and music.  In the 1930’s, many people naturally began to conflate ideas like socialism and equality with patriotic Americanism.

In Germany, the forces of liberal democracy weren’t able to — or, depending on which ones, didn’t want to — hold the radicals at bay by finding a way to keep the population fed, and the radicals that came out on top were the Nazis.  The National Socialists, as they called themselves.  The ones who talked about the Forgotten Man, scapegoated marginalized groups, and united around a bombastic, charismatic leader, at a time when so many normally non-marginalized members of the population in Germany were destitute.  An overall situation that is almost shockingly familiar — except from my vantage point, the US today looks far more like Weimar Germany than like FDR’s America.

David Rovics is a songwriter, podcaster, and part of Portland Emergency Eviction Response.  Go to artistsforrentcontrol.org to sign up to receive text notifications, so you can be part of this effort.  Another Portland is possible.  

The Age of Hypocrisies BY PATRICK COCKBURN

 

There is something hugely hypocritical in the way that American political leaders and media pundits denounce the imprisonment of American citizens abroad, while staying silent about mass incarceration for similar offences in the US. Quite rightly, general outrage was expressed when the basketball star Brittney Griner was sentenced to nine years imprisonment on drug charges in a Russian labour camp earlier this month.

Vice-President Kamala Harris was swift to hop on to her moral high horse, demanding that Griner “should be released immediately. POTUS [President Biden] and I, and our entire Administration, are working every day to reunite Brittney …with loved ones.”

Nothing wrong with protests over what looks like a nasty bit of Russian hostage taking, but not a word yet from the White House about an equally appalling case closer to home. This took place in Mississippi where the Supreme Court upheld in June a life sentence without parole for a man called Allen Russel who was convicted of possessing 43.71 grams of marijuana. On any given day, 374,000 Americans are in prison or jail for drug offences, often of the most minor kind.

I owe the above story to Jeffrey St Clair of CounterPunch who also gives a devastating quote from an interview with John Ehrlichman, former long-time senior lieutenant of President Nixon, about Republican strategy 50 years ago. It is not much different in its ultimate aims today:

“You want to know what this [war on drugs] was really all about?” Ehrlichman said. “The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the anti-war left and black people. You understand what I’m saying? We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course, we did.”

In case anybody in Britain should feel any sense of superiority compared to America after reading the above item, it is worth reflecting on the British kow-tow to Washington over the incarceration of Julian Assange.

Consider also the extraordinary report of the CIA plan to kidnap Assange from the Ecuador embassy which I wrote about here.

Cockburn’s Picks

The latest violence in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza has been largely ignored by the Western media so it is salutary – and alarming – to read this piece by somebody as well-informed as David Hearst.

He concludes that “if the campaign to defang the West Bank is clear, it is equally the case that such an operation would provoke the very uprising it is designed to stem. An armed uprising in the West Bank is no longer a matter of if, only when. This is not just a consequence of the collapse of the Palestinian Authority, whose writ no longer runs in Jenin, or indeed Nablus. Both cities have formed their own brigades. […] Put simply, the West Bank is bristling with guns, most of which can be acquired easily on the Israeli market. A new generation of Palestinians is trading in their cars, careers and, ultimately, their own lives for them.

Patrick Cockburn is the author of War in the Age of Trump (Verso).

Five Years Since the Rohingya Genocide and Impunity Remains Nearly Absolute

 

 

 

 

Five Years Since the Rohingya Genocide and Impunity Remains Nearly Absolute

 

August 25, 2022

 

Today marks five years since the Myanmar military launched a campaign of killings, mass rape and arson against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh under NLD government. In the five years since the military’s atrocities, the situation for Rohingya in Myanmar and abroad offers a dismal reflection of justice delayed.

 

“The world must act decisively if they want to end the suffering of the Rohingya and the rest of Burma’s people. For decades the international community has discussed ways to improve the humanitarian situation in Burma, and the obstacle has always been the military government. There is no point in pretending otherwise. Every political and economic tool that can be used to dislodge the military from power must be utilised. If the world continues to drag its feet, we will only witness new refugee crises and humanitarian disasters at the hands of an illegitimate military junta for decades to come”, said BHRN’s Executive Director Kyaw Win.

 

Nearly 600,000 Rohingya remain trapped in Rakhine state under discriminatory laws and policies that amount to crimes against humanity and ongoing genocide. Since the attempted military coup on 1 February 2021, Rohingya have been subjected to tightened restrictions on their fundamental freedoms and are increasingly at risk of being subjected to further atrocity crimes.

 

Rohingya who have fled Myanmar and managed to reach Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, or India live under the constant threat of arrest, detention, and forced return to military-controlled Myanmar. In Bangladesh, one million Rohingya refugees who were forcibly displaced by the Myanmar military, remain in sprawling refugee camps in southern Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar, where they have been subjected to discrimination and denied basic rights and adequate access to services, including education and healthcare.

 

The coup has made clear that the ongoing atrocities in Myanmar are a direct consequence of a military that for decades has faced no consequences for its crimes. Despite the longstanding evidence of widespread and systematic human rights violations, impunity remains nearly absolute. Impunity has been particularly enabled by the UN Security Council’s inaction on Myanmar, with Russia and China resisting any substantive action. Even in the face of serious violations of international law, the political dynamics of the Council have shielded Myanmar from any real consequences. ASEAN has also remained paralysed. Under its principle of noninterference, ASEAN has chosen to reject thousands of civilians seeking refuge from the military’s brutality and continues to engage with the military. This is the same approach it took in 2017, when it refused to condemn the military’s genocidal campaign against the Rohingya despite Malaysia and Indonesia raised strong voice.

 

The Government of Bangladesh has done a great service by openings its borders to refugees, and they deserve acknowledgment for the countless lives they’ve saved. Yet, it is critical that conditions for those living in the refugee camps improve without interference by Bangladesh authorities. Most vital is access to education. The Rohingya children in these camps have extremely limited access to education, and authorities have shut down the makeshift and informal schools throughout the camps without offering any alternative. Those living in the camps are also largely prohibited from seeking any form of education outside of the camps, other than in rare cases where refugees can get special permission. Without access to education and vocational services, an entire generation will have had their futures robbed. Undoubtedly, Bangladesh government saved hundreds of thousands Rohingya lives but denying education is killing their soul. Bangladesh must cooperate with domestic CSOs and human rights organisations in the camps to provide reliable education, including the Burmese curriculum, and to host courses for trauma, which the vast majority of refugees suffer with. The international community must support these efforts and help create a situation where Bangladeshis may also find employment opportunities.

 

So long as the Myanmar military enjoys complete impunity for their actions, unyielding oppression of the Rohingya and other minorities will continue unabated. The time to close this impunity gap is now. The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) calls on UN member states to take all possible measures to hold General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior military leaders who bear responsibility for atrocity crimes accountable for their crimes and to cut off the military from all revenue and weapons allowing it to continue its genocidal operations. BHRN calls on the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and National Unity Government (NUG) to abolish 1982 Nazi law, recognise Rohingya as ethnic of Burma which is a long due, recognise the Rohingya are victim of genocide and continue to support and cooperate with ongoing accountability mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.

 

Organisation’s Background

BHRN is based in London, operates across Burma and works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders.

 

Media Enquiries

Please contact:

Kyaw Win, Executive Director

Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

E: kyawwin@bhrn.org.uk 

T: +44(0) 740 345 2378

 

Learn More

 

[Burma Human Rights Network] | [Phone] | [E-mail] | [Website]

 

 

 

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