LDC graduation delayed: Who really wins? by Anisuzzaman Chowdhury

LDC graduation delayed: Who really wins?

 The passage of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) resolution (A/81/L.8) approving Bangladesh’s request for an extension of the preparatory period for its graduation from the least developed country (LDC) category by three more years has been greeted in Bangladesh with a sigh of relief.

Instead of the end of November 2026, as previously scheduled, Bangladesh and Nepal will now graduate from their LDC status in November 2029. There is a feeling that Bangladesh has been saved from an imminent catastrophe.

In granting the extension, the UNGA gave due consideration to the severity of the challenges faced by Bangladesh and Nepal amid heightened risks of uncertain magnitude stemming from recent conflicts and associated disruptions in international energy and supply flows, uncertainties concerning global trade, as well as the complexity and specific nature of the recent political transitions in both countries, which may affect the governments’ capacity to respond to external shocks.

A slap in the Interim Government’s face?

Readers of this column may recall that the Interim Government was in favour of Bangladesh’s scheduled LDC graduation on 24 November 2026. So, many will try to present the UNGA resolution as a slap in the face of the Interim Government.

I, who was given the responsibility as the Chief Adviser’s Special Assistant to guide the country’s preparations for LDC graduation, have an obligation to explain the circumstances and actions of the Interim Government.

First, the decision to stay on course was not taken in a vacuum or in a whimsical manner. It was based on rigorous analyses of facts and the recommendations of experts responsible for the White Paper on the state of the economy.

Second, the Interim Government did not sit idle; it prepared a “Smooth Transition Strategy” and accelerated its implementation.

Third, the UN assessed Bangladesh’s LDC graduation preparations in February 2025 and found, “The five interrelated pillars [of Interim Government’s strategy] offer a comprehensive framework to address immediate and long-term economic challenges, facilitating a smooth and sustainable transition.”

Fourth, the heightened uncertainties in the global economy due to the illegal US-Israel war on Iran and Trump’s unilateral, whimsical, so-called reciprocal tariffs were absent at the time of the Interim Government’s decision.

Fifth, the Interim Government invited the United Nations to independently assess Bangladesh’s preparations in anticipation of Trump-tariff-induced global uncertainties and in consideration of the impending change of government following the February national elections and the new government’s capacity to respond to external shocks. The UN’s assessment report has been the key document for the UNGA’s resolution in favour of the extension granted.

Sixth, the UNGA resolution explicitly endorsed the Interim Government’s preparation strategy when it “invites Bangladesh to advance domestic reforms and continue to implement, during the extended preparatory period … its national smooth transition strategy.”

The above facts clearly demonstrate that the Interim Government was on the right track. Those who are out to delegitimise the Interim Government have no leg to stand on.

A win for Bangladesh?

The extra three years for preparations could be a win for Bangladesh, provided it accelerates the implementation of the Interim Government’s reforms and Smooth Transition Strategy, as the UNGA resolution explicitly recommends.

One of the Interim Government’s key reforms has been the elimination of cash subsidies to industries according to a clear timeline. In the 2024-25 fiscal year, these amounted to approximately 16,000 crore taka in the form of direct cash subsidies and reduced taxes.

Besides being a post-LDC graduation requirement under World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules, the elimination of cash subsidies is an urgent imperative given Bangladesh’s low tax revenue collections, resulting in high debt accumulation.

The urgency of this measure also arises from the need to accelerate Bangladesh’s structural transformation away from overdependence on a single sector, ready-made garments (RMG).

The bulk of the cash incentives goes to the RMG sector, limiting the government’s ability to support other potential sectors, such as light engineering, electronics, agriculture and processed food, fisheries, pharmaceuticals, leather and footwear, jute and jute goods, plastics, and information and communication technology (ICT), identified by the Interim Government.

Professor Munir Quddus of Prairie View A&M University has exposed the RMG sector’s stranglehold on the economy by comparing the RMG sector’s policy support with that of the leather and other sectors, as summarised below:

The usual justification for such preferential treatment is that RMG is the “largest export sector and foreign exchange earner”. But the argument is perverse. Given that some of these subsidies have been in existence for nearly 50 years, prudent policymaking demands that scarce resources be redirected to support other potentially dynamic export sectors.

Unfortunately, this trend continues today. Out of the government’s 60,000 crore taka stimulus package for industries, announced in May this year, a paltry 3,000 crore taka has been allocated for export diversification. The first policy initiative of the new Bangladesh Bank Governor was to allow banks to advance loans to the RMG sector for paying wages. This defies the basic principle of economics, taught in the first year of undergraduate studies, that a firm’s revenue must cover variable costs, the bulk of which consists of wages, to minimise its losses.

One should seriously ask: why should this sector be protected when it cannot pay wages from its revenues despite being directly subsidised? Is this sector really helping the country by draining its scarce fiscal resources and weakening the country’s fragile banking sector, already saddled with non-performing loans owing mainly to it?

The UN resolution is a win for the RMG sector, which lobbied for a delay.

The government must withstand pressure from the RMG lobby to turn the respite given by the UN resolution into a win for Bangladesh.

It must “advance domestic reforms and continue to implement… national smooth transition strategy” developed by the Interim Government, as the UN resolution clearly advises.

Business as usual will take Bangladesh to a blind alley.

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Emeritus Professor Anisuzzaman Chowdhury is a former Special Assistant (for the Ministry of Finance) to the Chief Adviser of the Interim Government, led by Professor Yunus. He held senior United Nations positions in Economic and Social Affairs in New York and Bangkok. Email: a.chowdhury@westernsydney.edu.au; anis.z.chowdhury@gmail.com.

My TV interview on Desi TV USA

 I was interviewed last week by Desi TV USA's Unzila, which you can view by clicking here:

Human Rights, Democracy & South Asian Politics | Dr. Habib Siddiqui Interview

If you like it, please, share it with others.

Thanks,

Habib Siddiqui

As Burmese Rohingya bleed, immigrants in Karachi share grief

 This is an old article, dating back to 2012, published in the Dawn, which I am resharing for readers.

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As Burmese Rohingya bleed, immigrants in Karachi share grief - Pakistan - DAWN.COM

As the world rallies in favour of non-violence and mobilises against unjust oppression, a small community in Pakistan’s largest city struggles to raise its voice: these are Karachi’s Rohingya Muslims – a small band of immigrants who managed to escape from the Burmese oppression when the time was right. Today, they helplessly look upon the citizens of the world for a gleam of hope as their kith and kin are persecuted in Myanmar’s Arakan province.

Mahmud, a Rohingya Muslim living in Karachi says that over 90,000 men, women and children have been left displaced in Arakan. “Many were pushed into the water whilst they were trying to escape to neighbouring Bangladesh and several were beaten to death. We know this because we have been using the internet to stay in touch,” he says.

Pakistan’s stance on this issue of contention remains shrouded. Following Tehrik-e-Taliban’s threat directed towards the governments of Myanmar and Pakistan, the Pakistani Foreign Office said in a brief statement on July 26 2012 that there were reports claiming that the situation in Arakan had improved.

This claim made by Pakistan’s Foreign Office goes against Amnesty International’s report on the persecution of Rohingya Muslims in Arakan. The report states that ‘targeted attacks and other violations by security forces against minority Rohingyas and other Muslims have increased’ since emergency was declared six weeks ago and that ‘Amnesty International has also received credible reports of other human rights abuses against Rohingyas and other Rakhine Muslims– including physical abuse, rape, destruction of property, and unlawful killings – carried out by both Rakhine Buddhists and security forces.’

It goes on to state that the ‘authorities’ should prevent such acts from occurring. The solution proposed by these ‘authorities’, namely Myanmar’s President, runs along the lines of forcing the nation’s Rohingya Muslims numbering close to a million, into refugee camps run by UNHCR or deporting them to a third country.

But UNHCR has rejected President Thein Sein’s proposals, claiming that the solution to this conflict is that Arakan’s Rohingya Muslims should be granted citizenship of Myanmar. And third countries don’t seem to want the Rohingya Muslims either.

According to reports the Bangladeshi government has given orders to force back Rohingya refugees whilst Burma Campaign UK (BCUK) claims that Rohingya Muslims fleeing to Bangladesh “are getting no aid or protection, while thousands more are turned back by the government of Bangladesh, literally at gunpoint, in violation of international law.”

The justification put forward by the Bangladeshi government for their actions is that their country does not have the capacity to bear a large influx of refugees. Nevertheless, this does not constitute as a valid justification for forcing back destitute immigrants to a land where, according to the United Nations, they are subject to many forms of “persecution, discrimination and exploitation”.

Says Nurul Islam, Chairman of London based Arakan Rohingya National Organisation: “Under present circumstances, it is impossible to get the exact number of casualties. What is coming to the press is largely distorted. However, it is estimated that many hundreds of Rohingya Muslims have been gunned or killed down whilst thousands of homes have been destroyed. Those who are injured have no access to medical treatment. People are now dying of starvation and disease.”

“Do you know that the Rohingya settled in Arakan centuries ago?” asks Ismail, a resident of Karachi. “My grandparents migrated from Myanmar to Pakistan in 1962. That was their good fortune. The Rohingya Muslims in Arakan are fired at from helicopters. When they try to escape to Bangladesh in open boats, they are pushed back into the high seas. How can you possibly rely on a death toll that puts the numbers fatalities close to a hundred?”

Specialist in Burmese Ethnic Relations, Professor Abid Bahar’s book, Burma’s Missing Dots states that Arab traders began to settle both in Arakan and Chittagong of present-day Bangladesh from the years 785 to 957 and that Persian was made the official language of Arakan under General Wali Khan’s rule of the region in the year 1431. It goes on to mention that a British historian, Francis Buchanon Hamilton, met some Rohingya people in Burma conversing in a language they called Roinga in the year 1799. His colleague, Dr Habib Siddiqui’s book mentions similar facts.

The United Nations estimates that there are approximately 800,000 Rohingya Muslims in Arakan. Yet, Myanmar’s Citizenship Law of 1982 does not recognise the members of this ethnic group as citizens. They are thus stateless and protection-less within their own country.

A statement jointly released on this issue by 34 organizations including the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, BCUK and the International Federation for Human Rights states that Myanmar’s Citizenship Law is not compatible with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or with Burma’s legal obligations under international treaties. Furthermore, the statement proposes that the 1982 Citizenship Law should be repealed, and replaced with a new law founded on basic principles of human rights, should honour equality and non-discrimination, and help create an inclusive and tolerant Burma.

A report published in 2006 by the Alternative Asean Network on Burma brings to light, unheard warnings sounded in the past. The report states that “the campaign of displacement, denial of culture and identity, restrictions on the right to marry and form a family, killings, rape, torture and denial of food are a slow-burning genocide”.

It also mentions United Nations Resolution 47/144 passed in December 1992 which urges the Government of Myanmar to ensure full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the protection of the rights of persons belonging to ethnic and religious minorities. Twenty years post, the Rohingya community is languishing in Arakan.

“Official restrictions on the Rohingya including marriage and reproduction are relevant to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The harsh responses by racist extremists, the traditional role of the authorities in targeting the Rohingya for abuses, the absence of independent witnesses and the UN in the area,  and Bangladesh's refusal to allow fleeing Rohingya to seek protection all point to the strong possibility of genocide,” says Debbie Stothard, coordinator of the Alternative Asean Network on Burma.

As the violence in Arakan escalates to new levels and the number of people displaced climbs, it has become increasingly evident that the time for action is ripe.

“The governments of Burma and Bangladesh need to allow provision of basic supplies to the displaced and free access to independent fact-finding teams to establish the facts. There have to be effective community relations mechanisms to resolve conflicts between individuals and groups and to prevent them from escalating,” says Debbie Stothard, regarding the path towards establishing stability in Arakan.

She adds: “Most importantly there has to be rule of law where the law is fair to all sides and is implemented impartially. Many laws must be reformed to reflect modern standards and values, including the Citizenship Law. I am extremely concerned that the lack of effective responses could lead to similar situations for other minority groups in the country.”

The government of Myanmar has allowed UN investigator Tomas Ojea Quintana to visit the volatile region from July 30 to August 4. This measure should serve as a precedent for Myanmar’s authorities. It is imperative that transparent international humanitarian organizations and journalists are granted access to Arakan in order to bring all forms of human rights abuse to a halt and provide Arakan’s impoverished inhabitants with much needed aid and protection. Only then will this crisis turn towards the path of resolution.

The author is a freelance contributor based in Karachi.

Kashmir issue cannot be addressed through security approach alone, requires political engagement: Mirwaiz

 Kashmir chief cleric Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, in his Friday sermon at the historic Jama Masjid, said the Kashmir issue cannot be addressed through a security approach alone and requires “political engagement and efforts at reconciliation”.

“Our consistent position has been that the Kashmir issue cannot be addressed through a security approach alone. Political issues require political engagement, and longstanding grievances require sincere efforts at reconciliation,” said the Mirwaiz, in his Friday (October 30, 2026) address.

Referring indirectly to the Centre’s policy in Kashmir, the Mirwaiz said, “If the situation has improved, as is being acknowledged, should it not also be an opportunity to ease restrictions, review detentions, restore civil liberties and create an environment in which people can express their views and grievances peacefully?”

He said peace cannot simply be measured by the absence of protests. “If meaningful progress has been made in improving security, the next step should be to build upon it through reconciliation, release and review of political prisoners, restoration of civil liberties and sincere political engagement,” he added.

Referring to the recent report published by the International Crisis Group, an international advocacy group, the Mirwaiz said, “The findings of the report deserve serious attention. It calls for the restoration of Statehood, meaningful powers for the elected government, a review of stringent anti-terror laws and renewed dialogue between India and Pakistan.”

The Mirwaiz said that addressing security concerns alone cannot brush aside “aspirations of the people, who are equally important and must find a place in any meaningful process towards peace.”

Referring to the 2025 war between India and Pakistan, the Mirwaiz said, “The events of last year once again demonstrated the dangers of confrontation between India and Pakistan. We have always maintained that dialogue, rather than confrontation, remains the most responsible way forward. I raise these issues not in a spirit of confrontation, but out of genuine concern for the future of our people.”

He underlined that the “real measure of peace is not merely how much violence has declined, but how much trust has been restored”. “That is the message we should take from this report too,” said the Mirwaiz

The cleric, who once headed the separatist Hurriyat, said, “The report says that militancy, street protests and violence have declined in recent years, which everyone welcomes, as no one understands the value of peace more than the people of Kashmir, who have suffered enormously over the past several decades”.

He, however, added that Kashmir remains one of the most militarised places on earth. “One of the most disturbing aspects highlighted in the report is the scale of arrests and detentions since 2019. According to the Union Home Ministry’s own figures, 3,662 people were arrested under UAPA in J&K between 2019 and 2023, while only 23 convictions were recorded during that period. These figures raise serious questions about prolonged detention, due process and the widespread use of stringent laws,” said the Mirwaiz.

He said thousands of families suffer the consequences of arrests, detentions and prolonged legal proceedings. “They continue to live with uncertainty about the future of their loved ones,” he added.

He also expressed concern over the continued incarceration of Kashmiri political prisoners, including Yasin Malik, Shabir Ahmad Shah, Shahid Ul Islam , Engineer Rashid , Asiya Andrabi, Masrat Alam, and many others.

“We have repeatedly appealed for their release, review of their cases and humanitarian consideration towards elderly and ailing prisoners. I reiterate that appeal today. Justice and compassion cannot be separated from the pursuit of peace,” said the Mirwaiz.