In August, India suspended the autonomy of the state of Kashmir, putting soldiers in its streets and banning foreign journalists from entering. Dexter Filkins, who was working on a story about Narendra Modi, would not be deterred from going. To evade the ban, he sought the help of an Indian journalist, Rana Ayyub. Ayyub had once gone undercover to reveal the ruling party’s ties to sectarian and extrajudicial violence against the Muslim minority. In a conversation recorded last week, Filkins and Ayyub tell the story of how they got into Kashmir and describe the repression and signs of torture that they observed there. Ayyub’s book, “Gujarat Files,” about a massacre of Muslims in Gujarat, has made her a target of Hindu nationalists; one of the book’s translators was killed not long ago. She spoke frankly with Filkins about the emotional toll of living in fear of assassination.
To read more, click here.
Friday, December 6, 2019
Wednesday, December 4, 2019
In conversation: Malaysia’s Foreign Minister on great power rivalry
From the South China Sea to the Rohingya crisis, Saifuddin
Abdullah speaks to Lowy’s Ben Bland on Asia’s big challenges.
This is an edited transcript of their conversation.
Is Malaysia getting caught in the intensifying US–China rivalry?
Malaysia wants to trade with US and China at the same time. So yes, there is that pressure but we remain steadfast with the fact that we want to trade with China, and we told our American counterparts that we understand your problem with China, but that’s your problem. We want to trade with China as much as we want to trade with Iran.
The US has been leaning on Malaysia and other Southeast Asian nations not to work with Huawei or take on Belt and Road Initiative projects. Has Washington’s pressure worked, or is it alienating Southeast Asian nations?
We are very sure that we do not want to act in any way that is pro whichever country or superpower. But we are also very clear that there are lots of things we can learn from China in as far as their technology advancement is concerned. It so happens that Huawei is one of the main companies involved in many of these new technologies, be it robotics or artificial intelligence.
But, of course, when we say we want to learn from China, we are wary of the fact that China, the government in Beijing, uses this kind of technology sometimes in ways that we are very sure we are not going to use it. I don’t think we want to do facial recognition by having cameras placed all over the country.
Are we really entering a new era of great power contestation?
We have been dealing with China for thousands of years. By saying that I’m not saying Malaysia is well equipped. We know that China is a superpower. And we have the US. It’s not just [about] trade between the two. It’s also security, especially the South China Sea. And again, we have to navigate between the two powers.
China is very active in the South China Sea. We have been telling our friends in Beijing that as much as we respect their rights for free passage and flight according to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea … that too much activity is not going to be helpful. But, at the same time, there is the US presence also in the South China Sea, and it so happens that both superpowers are there without invitation from any of the ASEAN member states.
I’m not saying that we’re happy because both of them are there. [But] the scenario would be very different if only one of them were there. So, maintaining the balance is [number] one. Number two is trying to impress upon both the US and China that as much as we are not going to stop them from being there, we are also not very pleased that both of them are too active in the region.
Given the divisions in many multilateral institutions, does it make sense to promote more trilateral or “minilateral” cooperation in the region?
We have to be very practical in the things we do in foreign affairs. On the one hand, we need to strengthen whatever platform is already there. ASEAN is premium for Malaysia. We want to do as much as we can through ASEAN.
But having said that, we are also looking at partners in specific activities or projects and that’s why we’re talking to Turkey and Pakistan [about how to combat Islamophobia]. I don’t like to use the term we normally use in foreign affairs: “like-minded countries”. Then it becomes very formal. When people ask me what is this Malaysia, Turkey, Pakistan thing? [I say] we’re strengthening our bilateral ties among the three.
In a way, it is also done out of frustration that some already existing platforms don’t seem to be doing what they should be doing. In particular, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Many member states are not happy with the way the OIC is doing its work. We are not going to ditch OIC – it remains one of the most important platforms. We need to continuously try to improve the way OIC does its thing.
How can you streamline ASEAN to make it more effective and responsive?
ASEAN lacks leadership. The rotational system [of country chairmanship] to my mind is not going to improve the question of leadership. But I think it has been a very successful regional grouping. It started in 1967 out of fear of communism, and then it grew to become ten and hopefully we can grow to become 11 with the inclusion of Timor-Leste. The challenge now is to strengthen the economic pillar of the ASEAN project.
When will Timor-Leste be allowed to join ASEAN?
Malaysia has stated from day one that we want Timor-Leste to be in, but I think there are one or two member states who think that we need to ensure that Timor-Leste is properly prepared to be a member, and that is why the fact-finding mission [on Timor-Leste’s readiness to join ASEAN] was established.
They have completed part of their work and I’m really hoping that we can have Timor-Leste as a member as quickly as possible. They have expressed that they’re quite frustrated that they have waited for eight years.
ASEAN launched its “Outlook on the Indo-Pacific” in June but the “Indo-Pacific” isn’t part of Malaysia’s foreign policy lexicon. Do you think it’s a useful concept?
ASEAN is a region that is so unique. Some countries in certain parts of ASEAN don’t really think Indo-Pacific is important. But because we understand the consensus spirit and also the collegiality of ASEAN, and ASEAN’s centrality in doing things, we altogether supported the idea that was mooted by Indonesia.
Credit must be given to the Indonesian government. But we were very careful in the way we crafted our position, hence the title, the “ASEAN Outlook”. It’s like saying Indo-Pacific is important but for ASEAN it is probably not as important as [for] other people. Also, because we take note of the fact that there are at least two opposing views of the Indo-Pacific, we are trying to be very fair in way we look at the Indo-Pacific. We didn’t try to give it a meaning but tried to give a response to what was already there.
You’ve previously called for justice for the perpetrators of the genocide of the Rohingya in Myanmar. Do you support Gambia bringing a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice?
Indirectly, we are supporting the Gambia initiative, because we are a member of the OIC, and this is a decision that was made through the OIC. The second thing is, we have not decided on our actual position, because the process will require time and resources. I know that Gambia cannot do it alone, in terms of resources. The OIC secretariat will have to decide as to how member countries play a role, and by that time Malaysia will have to have a proper position on it.
What will happen to the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh? Is there a risk that the world and Myanmar will wash their hands of the problem?
What we don’t want to happen is for the world to forget them. The least we can do is ensure the issue will always be on the agenda in all of the relevant international forums, and we will be steadfast in making sure we continuously speak on this subject.
Number two is … the education of the children. We don’t know what’s the end game and when. So it is of utmost importance that we look at the education of the Rohingya children. We have about 150,000 Rohingya in Malaysia now – some are with the UNHCR [refugee identity] card, some are without. The Malaysian government cannot afford to absorb the children in our schools; we don’t have enough schools ourselves or enough teachers. What we are doing is we encourage our civil society organisations to organise classes for them.
There are 27 references to human rights in your new foreign policy framework. It’s obviously something you take seriously. But how lonely is it pursuing human rights in Southeast Asia these days?
It can be quite lonely. But at least we have the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights and there are members of AICHR who are very active. And there is a vibrant civil society community. In some member states, they enjoy better freedom than others, and we are trying to motivate them … and facilitate wherever possible.
Malaysia recently came under pressure from Cambodia to deny entry to Mu Sochua, the Cambodian opposition activist. After she was detained initially at the airport, you allowed her to enter and stay for a few days. How do you weigh the ASEAN principle of non-interference in others’ internal affairs against the human rights you want to promote?
We try to impress upon our friends, our member states, or people from outside ASEAN that Malaysia wants to uphold certain principles. Not that we can always do it well. For example, we have been criticised that we have not said anything on the Uighur [issue], compared to what we have been saying about Palestine, the Rohingya, and Kashmir.
It’s not something that we can easily answer, and even if we try to answer, not everyone will be receptive of our answer. But what I can say is we try as much as possible to implement it at home and to champion it in international forums. There is a Malay saying: “ukur baju di badan sendiri” [Literally: measure your clothes to fit your own body, or shape your ambitions in line with your capabilities]
Certain things we can do; certain things we cannot. But at least we are doing something.
International Rohingya Youth Conference Statement - UK
Rohingya
Youth Call on the International Community to Act at Landmark Conference
Young Rohingya people and other ethnic minority activists
have come together at a landmark conference to demand justice and an end to
human rights violations in Myanmar, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
(BROUK) announced today.
The first-ever International Rohingya Youth Conference
was held between 29 November and 1 December at Queen Mary University in London,
UK. More than 45 participants from 9 countries attended, representing not just
Rohingya but also Karen, Kachin, Burman, Tibetan, and Uyghur groups.
“With the survival of the Rohingya people at stake, young
people are more important than ever. They are our future leaders, who can
provide ideas, energy, and urgency to our cause. This week’s conference was a
unique opportunity not just to listen to their voices, but also to foster
solidarity with other minority groups living through oppression,” said Tun
Khin, President of BROUK.
“Young people are united in their calls to end all abuses
against Rohingya, and for those responsible to be brought to justice. It is
time for the world to listen and take action.”
At the conference, whose theme was “Cultivating and
Mobilizing a Rohingya Youth Movement”, Rohingya youth leaders from around the
world to discuss a range of social and political issues that affect their
communities. These include how to strengthen the movement’s capacity, how to
support refugee and IDP communities, and how to build solidarity and create
learning opportunities with other civil society allies.
“Rohingya are oppressed in Myanmar today, just as Kachin
people are oppressed. We are the same victims. It is time for us to join
forces in solidarity to get justice. This youth conference was extremely
encouraging. it helped build bridges between communities united in their desire
for a life in dignity and safety,” said Hkanhpa Sadan, Foreign Affairs
Secretary of the Kachin National Organization.
“What Rohingya are facing today, Karen people have also
faced more than 60 years. Massacres, rape, burning of villages, killing
of children. When the government and military say the reports of human rights
violations against the Rohingya are false, we remember they said the same thing
about the same human rights violations against us. That is why we are standing
in solidarity with our Rohingya brothers and sisters, and we hope our combined
efforts will bring positive change for all our communities.” said Nant Bwa Bwa
Phan Karen activist.
The conference participants:
-Express their commitment to form an international
Rohingya youth movement that works for all Rohingya and actively engages
refugee communities and the diaspora.
-Express their strong support for the development of
international justice mechanisms and legal proceedings, including through the
UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), the International
Criminal Court (ICC), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and Universal
Jurisdiction (UJ). Only through sustained support of and engagement with these
international legal efforts will the Myanmar military perpetrators of genocide,
crimes against humanity, and war crimes finally be brought to account for their
crimes against the Rohingya people.
-Acknowledge the systematic and long-term nature of the
Myanmar military’s crimes and persecution against all of the country’s ethnic
minorities. The Rohingya people stand in solidarity with our ethnic Karen,
Kachin, Shan, Rakhine and many other brothers and sisters in Myanmar who have
suffered at the hands of the military. We firmly believe that international
justice for the Rohingya represents a victory for all of the country’s ethnic
minorities. We are ready and eager to work together to achieve our shared goal
of creating a democratic and federal Union of Myanmar where human rights
including citizenship are enjoyed by all of our country’s people.
-Demand that the long-term struggle for justice and
accountability must be comprehensive. Resources and engagements in
international justice should be expanded to include restorative and
transitional justice efforts that directly support grassroots survivors,
refugees, and IDP communities in Bangladesh, Myanmar, and beyond.
-Advocate that
international governments, NGOs, and other actors ensure that their programs
aimed at assisting Rohingya communities empower Rohingya organizations and
individuals – particularly youth and women – to take the lead in their
communities and participate in broader policy and development decisions. The
Rohingya community has faced exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination in
nearly every aspect of its existence, and only through active support and cultivation
of Rohingya leaders can the community finally realize justice, equality, and
human rights.
At the conference, it was agreed that for the 2020
elections to be credible it is essential that Rohingya in Burma are once again
able to take part in the election.
Conference delegates discussed the need for domestic and
international action on military-economic interests in order to reduce their
income, which is used for the commission of violations of international law.
Tuesday, December 3, 2019
HRW: Bangladesh: Rohingya Children Denied Education
Unlawful Restrictions on Schooling Risk Creating a Lost Generation
Watch Video : Bangladesh: Rohingya Children Denied Education
(Bangkok) – The government Bangladesh is blocking aid groups from providing any meaningful education to Rohingya children in refugee camps and banning the children from attending schools outside the camps, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The government should urgently lift the restrictions that unlawfully deprive almost 400,000 Rohingya refugee children of their right to education.
The 81-page report, “‘Are We Not Human?’: Denial of Education for Rohingya Refugee Children in Bangladesh,” documents how Bangladesh prohibits aid groups in the refugee camps in the Cox’s Bazar district from providing Rohingya children with accredited or formal education. There is no secondary-level education, and groups are barred from teaching the Bengali language and using the Bangladesh curriculum. Rohingya children have no opportunity to enroll in or continue their education at private or public schools outside the refugee camps.
“Bangladesh has made it clear that it doesn’t want the Rohingya to remain indefinitely, but depriving children of education just compounds the harm to the children and won’t resolve the refugees’ plight any faster,” said Bill Van Esveld, associate children’s rights director at Human Rights Watch. “The government of Bangladesh saved countless lives by opening its borders and providing refuge to the Rohingya, but it needs to end its misguided policy of blocking education for Rohingya children.”
Human Rights Watch interviewed 163 Rohingya children, parents, and teachers, as well as government officials and staff at humanitarian groups and United Nations agencies. Human Rights Watch also analyzed government policy documents and aid plans, and researched how aid groups have tried to deliver education programs for children in the camps while working within the government’s restrictions.
Bangladesh has provided refuge to generations of ethnic Rohingya who fled previous waves of persecution in Myanmar but has never allowed Rohingya children to access to formal, accredited education. After Bangladesh opened its borders to an additional 740,000 Rohingya fleeing the Myanmar military’s deadly campaign of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity that started on August 25, 2017, the government prohibited aid groups from using even an existing, informal version of the Bangladesh curriculum in the camps. It claims that the Rohingya will return “within two years” to Myanmar.
UNHCR, the United Nations refugee agency, and other UN agencies have repeatedly stated, though, that conditions in Myanmar are currently not conducive for safe, voluntary, and dignified returns of Rohingya. No refugees have been willing to return despite two repatriation exercises organized by Bangladesh.
Myanmar also refused to approve the use of its curriculum in the camps, so UNICEF, the UN children’s agency, developed an informal education program from scratch. The program, submitted for government approval in April 2018, was designed to avoid the Bangladesh government’s ban on formal education, but Dhaka took a year to approve the first two “levels,” equivalent to preschool and the beginning of primary school. The government has still not approved the informal program’s upper three levels.
The informal program is a substantial improvement over the lack of any structured learning, but falls far short of meeting Bangladesh’s obligation to ensure Rohingya children have access to quality education without discrimination, Human Rights Watch said. The program is not accredited, nor does it recognize children’s previous education in Myanmar. Even if the government fully approves all five levels of the informal program, children will still not be able to take national examinations or continue their education through secondary school.
In Myanmar, the government continues to deny nationality to Rohingya, and worsening restrictions on Rohingya’s freedom of movement have also blocked children from attending school there, particularly since 2012. Myanmar is obliged to ensure the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of the refugees, and should take steps toward ensuring their citizenship rights and holding those responsible for countless serious violations to account.
Persisting with the ban on formal education is harmful to Bangladesh’s own interests and devastates a new generation of Rohingya children, and the future of the Rohingya community as a whole, Human Rights Watch said. Children deprived of education are at increased risk of child labor and child marriage, of being trapped in poverty, and of being unable to fully participate in their societies. Refugee children who receive an education are less likely to fall under the influence of criminals or armed groups, and are able to contribute to the welfare of their host communities.
In line with international standards, refugees should participate in planning, implementing, and monitoring education programs. Aid groups that work in education should work more closely with Rohingya refugees, including former teachers who have established unofficial schools in the camps that teach the Myanmar curriculum. These schools are the only option for children who attended school in Myanmar to continue their studies especially at the secondary level. But because they lack Bangladesh’s approval, they receive no international support. Rohingya refugees said the lack of quality education in the camps had also contributed to the growth of Islamic religious schools, but they usually only provide basic religious instruction.
Myanmar should immediately approve and support the use of its curriculum in the camps, and Bangladesh should allow aid groups to provide quality education, including using formal Bangladesh and Myanmar curricula.
In addition to Bangladesh’s obligations to ensure the right to education for all children under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and other human rights treaties, the 2018 Global Refugee Compact, which Bangladesh endorsed, calls for the integration of refugee children into national education systems. Foreign governments and UN agencies that joined the Compact also pledged that refugee children should have access to quality education within three months of being displaced, but have applied almost no public pressure on Bangladesh to lift unlawful restrictions on Rohingya children’s education.
International donors should continue to fund school refurbishments in host communities and support education for Bangladeshi children in the Cox’s Bazar district, which has the worst student-teacher ratios and out-of-school rates in the country. Donors should ensure adequate resources are available for both Bangladeshi and Rohingya children in the district and press Bangladesh to respect the rights of all children, including refugees.
The UN-coordinated humanitarian plans for the Rohingya in Bangladesh should include clear benchmarks to fulfill the right to education without discrimination, and donors and humanitarian groups should set timelines for Rohingya children’s access to formal, certified education. Donors should provide transparent, multi-year support to ensure education for Rohingya and host community children. As of October 2019, 60 percent of $59.5 million in humanitarian funding requirements for education for 2019 were still unmet.
“Rohingya refugee children have been watching their chance for an education and a better future evaporate, and two years on there is still not even a plan to enroll them in schools,” Van Esveld said. “Depriving an entire generation of children of education is in no one’s interest, and the international community needs to act and demand that Bangladesh and Myanmar change course.”
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